On the 8th District Race

Talking about a 2002 election in Minnesota which didn't go the right way, Garrison Keilor said that electing Norm Coleman over Walter Mondale was "like going to a great steakhouse and ordering the tuna sandwich."

On Tuesday, the 8th District ordered Tuna.

Obviously, I am pretty disappointed by what happened. (Read: incredibly disappointed.) My dad would be an incredibly good Councilperson for the 8th district- and given his life's work, could have united it like no one else.

Here are some first thoughts on the race:

First, 4 months ago, he had zero name recognition, and zero support of the party structure, and did not have the help from a single established politician. He was a first time candidate, basically staking it out on his own, and building an organization from scratch. Until the very last day, he had no help from any ward leader. He was aligned with no Mayoral candidate, and was not on any ballots. So, when considering that, he certainly did pretty good. And at heart, his message, to get people to believe again in the potential of Philadelphia government, is one that plays well in all communities, and he is effective in delivering it.

Can someone like him win in the 8th District? I think so.

At the end of the day, one big reason I think he lost, was that the race for City Council was not a high information race. There is a reason that all the Dwight Evans people out there (seriously, it was like nothing I have ever seen from one candidate, including 1999, and the 2004 general), as well as the Fattah folks, could have such an impact on the Council race, without doing much for the Mayoral race itself. I firmly believe people will cross racial lines, as they did in the Mayor’s race. But, is that their first instinct? Not really. If someone has not paid attention, or has only just started to pay attention to the race, and at the polls they are greeted by 8 workers from one campaign, and one volunteer from another, which are they going to choose?

So, yes, I think a progressive candidate with the right message can win in the 8th, whatever their color. I just think that if they are running totally against the machine, they are going to have to figure out how to turn a low information race, into a high one.

(And, in terms of the poll that was released, that is why I think it was off. This is just a hunch, but I bet there was a big non response rate. In other words, I think if this was a Council race isolated by itself, the poll would have likely been right. But, people were coming out to vote for a Mayor, and then, at the end of the day, made up their minds at the polls on the Council race when they were not paying attention to it earlier.)

For those who were not in the 8th on election day, there was a stunning amount of street money out there, and a stunning amount of people at the polls. (Put it like this: If it were not for Dwight Evans, Donna Miller would not be City Councilman. Seriously, at some polls, there were 15! workers for Evans and Miller. It was crazy.)

Greg Paulmier coming back into the race certainly hurt, as well. But, at the end of the day, would it have changed things? Maybe, maybe not. Greg might be a progressive, but, he is a party guy and a Greg guy, and then a progressive. At the beginning of the campaign, he offered to have a poll done, where either he or my dad dropped out. Considering my dad was still unknown, Greg would probably have won that based on his two runs for office, which is why Greg offered. He kept talking about that poll, and about the need for change, and about his noble willingness to drop out… Yet, when he was kicked off the ballot, he then had his ward supporting... Donna Miller. (And, as someone who is pretty well connected to the liberal NW Philly crowd, I think he pretty much soured every potential activist and donor up there from ever supporting him.) Maybe those votes would have swung without Paulmier- and considering his base is in Germantown- they likely would have swung to my dad. But, it would have been no sure thing, considering Greg had no real interest in Donna Miller losing, if she wasn't losing to him.

In any case, what the campaign did was show the potential for an 8th district coalition, that spans all socioeconomic classes and races. The campaign office really showed that, through and through. And, that coalition, in one form or another, is not going anywhere. RaiderAdam said something to the effect of “three challengers or not, the campaigns did not do a good enough job of getting their message out,” and frankly, he is right. My dad had a winning message, but he did not win. It happens. But, I have the distinct feeling that if he ever decides to run again, there would be a much different result.

I will have more ramblings soon; including some about a little bit of the dark side of this whole thing. But, besides my obvious disappointment, today I am mainly just a kid proud of his dad, who ran a race the same way he has conducted his life; with an incredible amount of dignity and humanity. And I am indebted to the hundreds of volunteers who brought him from about 1900 votes of victory.

Everyone likes your dad.

Everyone likes your dad. Seriously, everyone. Donna supporters, Cindy Bass supporters, everyone. (Admires might be a better word.) He has a very good heart and I hear that from everyone. In fact, the only slightly negative comment I heard about him was the comment made in the Inquirer's editorial page -- removed on election day. (Which is why I reacted so violently, b/c the bar cannot be set so low as to turn a life's calling to help poor people with civil legal services into a knock against your record.)

His time at CLS is well, well respected and there are thousands of people who have benefited from his devotion.

You and the campaign have nothing to be disappointed about.

At the end of the day, a four person race will guarantee Donna victory. (It will guarantee most incumbents victory). My view is that the Eighth has three constituencies, white voters in Chestnut Hill, Mt. Airy and West Germantown, middle class black voters in Mt. Airy and some parts of Germantown, and poorer black voters in North Philly and Germantown. Getting one candidate to appeal to those disparate constituencies is very difficult. Your dad has the type of resume to do well, b/c he has "street cred" -- for lack of a better term -- in each area.

An anecdote

First of all, thank you.

Second, an anecdote: I wont say what division, because there would probably be repercussions. But, on that, and on the high information low information thing- there was a committee person passing out the ward ballot at a polling place. My 20 year-old little brother, who like all U-A boys, likes to talk, spent an hour at the poll in the middle of the day, talking to the committee person about the election, and his candidacy.

After an hour, the person asked for a T-Shirt, and started passing out his palm card.

Which is to say, I think he could win- and I think he could have won, in fact- if the campaign had a better strategy to get his message out, and make it a high information race. But, he was a first time candidate, and I think there is a real learning curve there.

Yeah I love those stories.

Yeah I love those stories. I got to one polling place and there was a Knox person handing out lit. She had voted first thing in the morning and she voted for Haile Johnston. After speaking to her for awhile, she stopped handing out Knox lit, took a Longacre button and started handing out his lit.

No dollar bills were harmed in the making of this movie.

Again, this goes to show that people are open to hearing the message, it is getting the message to them that is the problem.

The problem with your conclusion, Dan

as I see it is that making a race "high information" is too small a target. These connections need to be made on a more comprehensive basis than a platform organized around a specific political campaign.

To the extent that race is a determinitive factor (and I think it is more than you do, although I hope that your viewpoint is correct), then the way to overcome that factor is a longer-term campaign to link white "progressives" with constituencies such as those in lower Germantown. But even if it were a black "progresssive" running against a DRM, the effort to establish credibility and visibility needs to be a long-term goal.

I look forward to reading more about how you see taking the coalition you mentioned to the next level - to begin linking "progressives" to the large percentage of voters in Philly who are completely disaffected - either to the point of not voting at all, or voting pprimarily on race, or voting for someone only because of a high volume of poll workers. We need an information campaign about "non-progressive" politics in the City sooner rather than later.

Good post Dan and my

Good post Dan and my observations verify much of your points.

When people analyze how their candidates didn't manage to win, the biggest point to keep in mind is what Dan said:

At the end of the day, one big reason I think he lost, was that the race for City Council was not a high information race.

I was hopping polls and without a doubt, people came knowing who they were voting for mayor, but primarily used ballots to pick everything else. People would walk right past the mayoral lit saying they were fine, but they would stop and glance at the NN, PFC and ward ballots. I even had several people ask what the recommendations were for the Ballot Questions.

This also emphasizes the need for Ward support.

Many people have been discussing election modifications ... particularly IRV or open primaries. I think this is wrong.

If they want to truly fix something, fight to move council elections to an off year (non-mayoral, non-governor, non-presidential). There is just too much noise in the line to pay attention to the council races for most people. You clear out the line and real council campaigns can work.

Heck, in the 5th, a lot of areas didn't even know what district they were in, let alone the council candidates.

Council races are very important and we should break them separate from the mayoral, governor and presidential.

I think moving the Council

I think moving the Council races to the time of the DA race would be a good idea. The biggest problem I see with that is the actual change itself- do we want to effectively lengthen Council terms for two years? Because, I will tell you this: City Council will not be voting to shorten them.

I think that might be a

I think that might be a compromise that would have to be made because I also can't see the incumbents wanting to move their campaigns into an environment that offers more scrutiny.

If we give one batch two more years in exchange for being able to put them under a microscope, I think we would be able to sleep well at the end of the day.

It would be worth two more years of the incumbents

One thing I concluded during this race is that we should move council races to a non-mayoral year.

Your analaysis is absolutely right. The difficulty in all the Council races is getting people to know who the candidates are and what they stand for. Running in a non-Mayoral election year might help.

Forty years ago when there were 50 City Council reporters at the 4 dailies, then it might have been possible to get the information out about challengers in the district and at-large races. Now when there are 2 city hall reporters at the dailies and 2 other reporters who occasionally cover local politics, there is simply no way to do it.

Your father ran a great campaign. His message was strong, appealing and positive although he suffered as I sometimes did from talking too long. He had a great story to tell about his work in the community. And je generated a great deal of support. Mt. Airy was plastered with his lawn signs, just as it was 3 years ago when I ran against Rosita. And he did far better than I did in that race in raising money and volunteer support. And, from all reports, when Irv talked with people, of no matter what race, he won them over. The problem is figuring out how to talk to enough people and have them hear that message.

Of course, what is true in a district race is even more true in an at-large race as I'll explain in something I'm posting later today.

I have some questions about the campaign and the answers might be useful for other potential candidates to hear....how many doors did Irv knock on and how many house parties did he have and how many people, from what parts of the district attended them. Those are traditionally the two ways to get into the heads of people in a district race. My sense is that Irv did a lot of them. But a Council district is much bigger than a state rep district and you can't touch everyone that way. And it is sometimes hard to find sponsors for house parties outside your home base.

Finally, the other traditional way to get your name in the minds of people is to run more than once. I hope this is not Irv's last run.

Yup. Irv now has a

Yup. Irv now has a launching pad.

Now the trick is you have to start campaigning again two years before election. Too many "progressives" started campaigning months before election when you need to do it years before.

agreed

here is a list of media coverage of the city council races: http://newdirectionphilly.com/coverage.html.

we are trying to get a full list if anyone notices us missing anything.

the daily coverage was weak (metro did the best in my opinion) and the tv coverage was non-existent.

Council races

I have been of the mind for many years that either the District Races or the At-Large Seats should go up in the off-years and run with the DA and Controller. For many reasons, as has been mentioned, there are too many races during Mayoral years which means a large number of candidates are competing for resources and press. Council Elections held mid-way in a Mayoral term would act as a check on the Mayor's performance either in a positive or negative manner. And finally, maybe there would be additional turnout and interest in an otherwise boring year. I would strongly urge this group to begin the movement for a charter change to bring about this outcome.

On another note, Irv ran a great campaign for the first time out. I was working the polls in the 9th Ward on Tuesday and was very impressed with the effort. It is the rare candidate who wins the first time out and Irv should definately not let Tuesday deter him.

Year After the Mayor's Race

I agree that a Charter Change Referendum should be proposed that would change the curent Council election cycle to every four years the year after the Mayor's race. The presidential election would fall at the same time and would ensure a large turnout. There are no other local elections at that time, that I am aware of, so it would give council candidates and local issues the attention that they deserve.

I am interested in hearing what folks think about that alternative.

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has."
— Margaret Mead

Seth

As I say in a post elsewhere...

... my suspicious is that, w/o the attraction of a mayoral race, the turnout for a City Council-only election would be even lower than the already-pathetic current level (40% of eligible voters this past Tues.).

-Z

Again, I am not fond of it

Again, I am not fond of it the year of the Presidential election because council elections shouldn't be linked to national politics. Two completely different worlds. I would liek to have the Council election on much of its own spotlight as possible.

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"yes adam gave some informative comments but he also seems to sprinkle a little adam dust on it." - merkin

well

During those even years, there are always House races (more relevant in NE Phila than the rest of the city), Governor's races every-other-time, and Senate races two out of every three times. That's not when you want a Council race; the other odd year? Maybe.

Good Point

I hadn't thought of that. Maybe Larry is correct and council races should run in the same cycle as DA and Controller. Now for all of the real policy wonks...should district and at-large races remain in the same election cycle or during different years??

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has."
— Margaret Mead

Seth

An open question

What would be the virtues or drawbacks of separating the district elections from the at-large seats?

The important one is

The important one is District being moved to an off year. I can go either way with At-large.

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"yes adam gave some informative comments but he also seems to sprinkle a little adam dust on it." - merkin

City-wide rotating Ballot for Council

While we often talk about this for judges, this could be a small thing that makes campaigning a little more important and could drum up more interest and attention. Though it's possible ballot position means less in these races, a bad ballot position likely cost Ramos his seat and hurt Blondell's totals. It certainly helped Jim Kenney and Bill Greenlee a bit, though I'm sure both would have gotten the necessary votes to win.

www.whatever-it-takes.net

The downside of this is, a

The downside of this is, a lot of little old ladies come to the polling booth with the numbers they are going to vote written on a piece of paper. I would assume rotating ballot position would mess that up ... for better or worse I do not know.
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"yes adam gave some informative comments but he also seems to sprinkle a little adam dust on it." - merkin

These numbers are ridiculous

You can't do Philadelphia politics right now without putting out a palm card or bullet ballot with your ballot number because, if you don't, everyone will think you don't know what your are doing.

But does anyone really think that people remember ballot numbers instead of names? Most people find names much easier to remember.

Rotating ballot positions, which is a great idea, would have the additional advantage of getting rid of the need to repring literature after the ballot number is announced.

I guess Maurice and Kennedy printers will lobby against this .

Just reporting what I saw.

Just reporting what I saw. A significant amount of people walked in with their ballot number selections on a piece of paper.

The one thing you also have to keep in mind is that numbers are good for races with candidates with the same last name. I would assume Juan and Ben Ramos were heavily pushing their number so as people not accidentally hitting the wrong one.

Heck, how many "Green" candidates did we have just on this election, Greenlee, Sheriff Green, Derek Green, Bill Green, etc.

With the council races the same time as mayoral, the numbers probably keep it simpler from name confusion.

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"yes adam gave some informative comments but he also seems to sprinkle a little adam dust on it." - merkin

I am still too sad to say too much

More than anything, I was proud to work on this race.

Direct engagement in electoral politics is pretty much a new thing for me. While I think you have to engage with the existing power structure, and definitely think the lesser of evils is still the lesser of evils, I always thought my energy was best used working directly to change neighborhoods and communities. Not mediated through political parties and institutions and all the compromise that requires.

I've certainly never been personally invested in an electoral race or a candidate until this one.

I spent a lot of my time between finals and graduation in various parts of North Philly and Germantown distributing literature for the 8th District race. And talking to people around there, it was clear to me and to them how amazing and frankly radical it would be to have someone in city government who had spent his whole adult life completely immersed in the needs and problems of the district's neighborhoods.

On election day, I was at a polling place for a few hours midday. Paid Evans/Miller workers were hanging out in the shade (Cindy Bass's worker was sleeping in a nearby van and Greg's people, who were pulled from a friend's ministry group, were pretty tough guys and stoically stood around getting sunburnt) and started joke-challenging us to prove which candidate was better. One of them read from Donna Miller's palm card: she got this development project and that one built...can your candidate top that? "Yeah, he's spent the last thirty years saving people's homes in the district from being foreclosed upon."

"You know CLS?"

"Yeah, yeah."

"You know how many people come in there every day?"

"Yeah! So many people got legal problems, they need help."

"He's spent his whole career at Broad and Erie, listening to those problems. He gets it. He gets what the district needs."

And all those paid poll workers got it. Immediately.

They saw that people were volunteering for Irv for free and got what that meant. They saw how completely different a thing Irv was trying to do and would do if he ended up in council as their councilperson.

Running was a tremendous amount of work for everyone in Irv's family and clearly a big gamble. I am so impressed by him taking that chance. And I really hope that he does get to serve in Council, because I think that truly incredible things could be done by someone with the deep experience and knowledge of the city's neighborhoods and their residents that Irv has.

Jennifer

I think that most of your

I think that most of your conclusions have merit. However, how do we make this a high information race? In fact, how do we make any campaign a high information race? Races like the mayors race are all media related. The smaller races are all about name recognition and who can push their candidate best at the polls.

Irv ran a great campaign. I haven’t seen so many people excited about a local candidate like that in a long time. But I guess the question is, how does someone like Irv, who appeals more to a sophisticated crowd, to do well in areas where people don’t know the issues and frankly don’t care about them, but will vote for whomever they have heard of or whomever their committee people tell them to vote for? This is sort of a cruel joke, because Irv has fought for working people all his life.

Understand that friends come and go, but with a precious few you should hold on. Work hard to bridge the gaps in geography and lifestyle, because the older you get, the more you need the people who knew you when you were young. ~ Mary Schmich

As I recommended, the ideal

As I recommended, the ideal way is to get the council seats off the mayoral election cycle. District races will always be lost in the noise.

Other than that, you have to start two years out targeting the ward structure to peel off support there. Then, in a smaller window before election you go after the average voter.

Also, raise money raise money raise money.

Diccio had the funds for TV ads and stomped a second time challenger.

You have to control all the forms of media.

But you need to campaign the ward structure.

BINGO!

BINGO!

I'm a quick study. ;) In the

I'm a quick study. ;)

In the two months campaigning for Longacre and just being a history nut, I think I have pretty much started formulating campaign action plan and how to attack and incumbent. Of course more detailed than the above post. ;)

Will be interesting if I have a chance to implement it. Maybe in 4 years when John runs again.

I am not sure what the bingo

I am not sure what the bingo Charles is referring to. But, who says he didn't campaign in the ward structure?

Here are the wards in the district:

9th: They looked like they were going to support Cindy at first. But, it is a democratic ward, and he pushed for their support. In the end, they endorsed no one. On election day, most committeepeople helped him a lot.

22nd: The ward leader is Vernon Price, who works for Donna Miller. He campaigned there, too. Who do you think Vernon was going to support? (Remind me sometime to tell the story of a female staffer being intimidated by a a guy in a suit, who then called in a 300 pound guy to try and scare her a little bit more. Turns out, that guy in the suit was Vernon.)

59th: Ward Leader: Donna Miller.

12th: Ward Leader: Greg Paulmier.

13th: Ward Leader: Rosita Youngblood. Took a long time- until the last day- but she was the most helpful.

17th: The old Cohen ward. He campaigned for the ward endorsement hard there, and was very well received. It looked like there was a chance it would happen. But, at the end of the day, pressure from people like Mark Cohen made sure Donna got the support.

11th: Ward Leader: I think, Al Stewart. The poorest place in the district- and there was one, and only one candidate who actively campaigned in the district. Guess who they supported?

Which is to say, you can say campaign for the ward structure- but the ward structure in the 8th district is generally pointed towards keeping the current system in place.

I think that what you can do

I think that what you can do to campaign the Ward structure is to get people that you know from all over the district to run for committeeperson. Ideally, Irv would want to take over the 13th Ward, but that’s a hard feet. But I think that he has to try to if he wants to run again.

Another thing that he can do is pro bono work for committee people all over the district, especially in the 11th and 17th where he needs the support the most. That will get a few more of them on his side.

I’m not saying that this is how things should work, but it is obvious that this is how things do work. A candidate can campaign the Ward structure, but that campaign will probably not be effective if the candidate has no personal relationship with the people in the Ward structure.

Eh. I think there are ways

Eh. I think there are ways to go around it.

I am sorry, but telling someone who spent his life working long hours for the poor and working class that the way to get ahead would have been to instead do some pro-bono work for the party is just another reason why the ward structure needs to be strongly, fundamentally changed.

And I wouldn't disagree with

And I wouldn't disagree with you. It sucks how the system works, but it is what it is. I'm not saying that I like it. I'm saying that that is what it is. It sucks what you have to do to get elected. That’s why so many good people don’t even bother to run.

What I said wasn’t meant to be disrespectful. It’s just my opinion on how the system works.

To what

"the ward structure needs to be strongly, fundamentally changed."

To what, why and how.

We have discussed it at

We have discussed it at length and compiled some of the suggestions into a CityPaper column. You commented, and were mentioned by name in the article.

Well, not just campaign the

Well, not just campaign the ward structure, but win it, which is not going to be done over a couple months. That is the two year rule I am speaking about. They have to be broken down.

If the majority of the wards

If the majority of the wards in the district are either invested in the status quo, or are able to be effectively threatened if they don't support it, how would more time make a difference?

Because you need to get them

Because you need to get them to buy into the message and I don't think you can do that in 4 months when the incumbent has been there a minimum of 4 years.

Plus, being campaigning the wards for years gives the added benefit of finding out where the incumbent is soft. If you are at a ward meeting every other month (if they are public) and here the same complaints, you know where to attack and which committee members are disaffected.

For the wards where the meetings aren't public, have a quarterly party and invite all the committee members and ward leaders out. The ones that do show are most likely open minded. You can pick their brains. Plus it shows you are interested in them.

It is about gathering intelligence and gaining influence.

And as Charles said, you can find the empty committee spots and try to get people to fill them that are on your side.

Facts please?

In the Eighth the 9th, 12th, 13th and perhaps the 17th ward structures did not support the incumbent. So how is this statement true?

Yes Lou, thanks for

Yes Lou, thanks for repeating what I said in my much longer comment.

The 12th supported Donna when Greg was not on the ballot. The 11th supported Donna. The 17th supported Donna. The 22nd supported Donna. The 59th supported Donna.

Until Greg himself was back on the ballot, the wards that did not were the 13th, although they didn't do much until the last day, and the 9th, because they are an open, Democratic ward.

Maybe the 9th can be an example for the Democratic party to emulate.

And Lou, As the friend of

And Lou,

As the friend of the working man, so to speak, doesn't it seem screwy that being buddies with ward leaders- or doing pro bono work for the City Committee, is generally put above doing service for poor and working class Philadelphians of all stripes?

Apples and oranges

My Council at large ballot was;
Kenney
Greenlee
Stier
Juan Ramos
Derek Green

None was a lawyer except for Derek, who did no pro bono work for me or any of my committee people. Thy were on our ballot for various reasons.

Jim Kenney and Bill Greenlee for their service to the City. Juan ramos for his dedication to working people. Marc for his ideas and because of a personal relationship and I wanted to support one of our own (Committee person in the Ward). derek Green because he would be a great council person (as would all of the above) and my relationship with the rest of the Northwest, especially Marian Tasco. The fact that I had a personal and political relationship meant that I knew their character and had confidence in their judgment. The pro bono work relates to judicial candidates, not other candidates.

Judges who do work for City Committee demonstrate their commitment to the political process that helps elect them. Some I supported for that reason, some for other reasons. I supported two to get Marc Stier on the ballot in certain wards (one CP and one traffic court).

Personal relationships

Dan, didn't you support a candidate in the Eight Councilmanic based on a personal relationship

I will comment on this on a

I will comment on this on a longer post, but I want to give it some more thought. But the City runs off of personal relationships.

When you support a candidate, most people that you need to support them (ward leaders, other elected officials), have folks they need you to support.

So say I am in North Philly and there is a great candidate for Judge. She grew up in North Philly, went to William Penn High School, went to Temple, put herself through school at night and lives in my ward. (I am making this person up. Although I felt this way about Liz Jackson, some of the particulars are off.) In my example, she works as a PD. (Which is to say she is broke.)

I would love to support her. But why would the ward leader of the 39th support her, or the 52nd, or any other ward. They don't have any reason. The fact that she is a great person and would make a phenomenal judge and about two dollars will get you a cup of coffee.

So how do I get her elected? I go to other North Philly ward leaders (in this example) and get them to support her. That will only mean she will get really badly beat as opposed to crushed. So I need more support.

That's where the horse trading begins. I go to other folks whom I have a relationship with and ask them to carry my candidate. They say sure, if you will carry (or introduce) their candidate to someone in my ward. Maybe its a judicial candidate, maybe its an at large candidate.

This web of personal relationships is sometimes transactional, goes back years, and is built around trust. (Just b/c I say I am going to carry you, doesn't mean that I will, or can convince my committeepeople, or have the resources.)

Ward leaders that deliver earn a reputation, those who don't do as well.

That's what progressives need to appreciate. That's why Rick Mariano went from Fumocrat to Street supporter. (Bizarre, but relationships matter.)

There is this sense, which I want to comment on later, that people who don't support the ideas or progressive candidates don't get it. That ideas should trump years of support. Whether that is an ok policy or not, it is typically not a successful one.

Personal relationships Plus

Not only do you need the personal relationships to make deals, you need someone of some power (ward leader, labor leader, elected official) to enforce them. this means that if I make a deal for a candidate that you keep your end or there can be repercussions i.e I cut your candidate.

Very true. I assumed that in

Very true. I assumed that in my post, but you are absolutely correct for pointing it out. (And the repercussions can come back in later elections.)

The lower down the ticket, the more those deals matter. And that means sometimes you will find yourself supporting a candidate, that is not the one you would ordinarily support, but remember that great judicial candidate who's been in the neighborhood her whole life, she doesn't get elected if you take that hard line stance against political deals.

That's kind of how I feel about progressives. You made a comment a while back to the effect, I am paraphrasing, that progressives/reformers are hard to help. The implication I got from that is one that I have heard elected officials make on lots of occasions: that they will require you to support a position and if you do not support the exact position, then they will never support you. That's not good politics.

It's really amazing

that you're talking like this is the system progressives should be working within.

Ideas can trump years of support if the ideas are really connected to people who have established credibility in bringing returns. There is a reason why so many people don't vote, and it's because the existing system has not been delivering returns to them. The way to overcome the entrenched webs of patronage and mutual back-scratching (which you guys are euphemistically calling "relationships"), is to mobilize those who aren't being served well by the current system. And that's the majority of Philadelphians. To say that building relationships is the way to get things done is saying that all those relationships have provided value in the past. Well, I guess they have, but unfortunately, it is only done so for a very limited group of insiders.

We've seen examples of ideas trumping the system recently (the attempt to overturn the campaign finance limitation), and examples of ideas forcing in-office politicians to be accountable to the public will (the casinos referendum).

But progressives can't just sit back and hang within their socio-demographic cohort and expect to gain a share of power by trying to rally support at campaign time. They need to get out and talk to people in their communities about issues that matter to them - as Marc has been describing what he did during his campaign. But it can't just only be campaign-centered. And progressives need to work with disaffected communities to rally support on issues that will have a more immediate impact within those communties - such as improved schools, or better healthcare, or better public transportation.

As I see it, trying work from within the system is a waste of time. The entrenched powers will only give you a share once you start making deals. Once you've made the deals, you've compromised on many important issues, and anyway, the alliances you've made will tie your hands and prevent you from stepping on anyone's toes.

In terms of electing

In terms of electing candidates, the ward structure is one way to do it. The other is to replace/or superimpose another structure over the ward structure. Do the block by block organizing that allowed independents to win without the ward structure.

Personally, there is a lot about the ward structure I don't like. I believe that its effectiveness is strongest in steering votes in poor neighborhoods. (Affluent ones tend to have more time and get political information from sources other than their ward leader. But more importantly, they don't need City services that are the lifeblood of the Ward structure.) I'd be willing to bet, without any investigation, that you will find a direct correlation between the unamity of votes and the poverty level of the ward (i.e., the more likely high percentages of voters support one candidate for Mayor, the poorer the ward, no matter who the candidate is.)

So I don't like that part of it. I also find troubling/detestable ward leaders who don't live in their ward, particularly if it is a poor ward. (Bill Rieger was a prime example.) If it's good enough to represent and get a City job, you can live in that crime ridden ward like your committeepeople and constituents.

But the part I do appreciate is that it allows for community input at a level that would not exist otherwise. In absence of the ward structure, money dominates. People with money dominate. So, to me, wards can function like a voter's union.

But the real issue with the ward structure, in my mind, is that it is pro the status quo, whatever that is. That's bad.

It could function as a voter's union

in which case I'd be more inclined to accept it's pro status quo tendencies - but I believe that it is a fact that the Philly Dem Party has absolutely failed to function as a voter's union. First, just look at how dissatisfied people are. Secondly, most people don't vote, don't know who their Councilperson is, probably don't know who their ward leaders/committeepeople are either.

NN started out as an alternative to the existing ward structure - but it lacked the resources and connections to really connect outside of a very limited community of progressives. And I would hate to see it turn to connecting with the existing ward structure as an alterntive to developing/building those resources, because to do so would necessarily limit it's goals and aspirations.

I would imagine that PFC has a similar problem in reaching out beyond a particular constituency.

My hope is that instead of trying to convert, or court, or make deals with the existing ward structure, instead progressives will do the day-to-day organizing in communities where people do not feel they've been well served by the existing political structure, i.e., MOST OF PHILLY, and particularly minority communities. And I would hope that such efforts will not be limited to candidate's campaigns for elected office, but instead focused on issues to first establish credibility. It seems to me that the money and infrastructure and racial/socio-economic diversity of progressive unions would be very helpful in such efforts, as would the existing civic organizations such as black churches.

I know, very idealistic. But I don't see trying to hold hands with the existing power structure as delivering much in the way of returns for 50 years.

The problem is that it takes

The problem is that it takes more that 2 years. I’ve known Ward Leaders who it took 12 years to take over the Ward. That’s why so many people don’t do it, because it is ridiculously hard.

I Did Not Lead or Participate In a "Stop Irv" Effort

If you want to gain people's support, it helps if you show them respect. It is not particularly respectful of the committeepeople of the 17th Ward to say that I--a state legislator representing part of the ward--but not a committeeman, ward officer, or even a resident of the ward--control their actions. The disrespectful tone is magnified by the fact that 56 of 58 of them are black, and I am white.

Two committeepeople in the 17th Ward--my sister Sherrie Cohen and her partner Mark Hamilton--supported Irv on election day. In their election division, where I, my father, mother, and wardleader Mable Windham served as committee people, Irv made his best showing in the 17th Ward, getting 33 votes, more than he got in his second and third best divisions combined, and about 12% of his ward total.

But, over the objections of the committee people, Donna Reed Miller got 83 votes in this division, Cindy Bass got 35 votes, and Greg Paulmier got 19 votes. Having support of the committee people thus helped Ackelsberg get 19.4% of the vote in their division. His problem was simply a lack of voter support.

No committee person in the 17th Ward other than my sister discussed his or her choice for councilman with me. Wardleader Mable Windham--who has been my top district office aide for a few months short of 30 years now--told me of her polling the committee people and finding a split between Miller and Paulmier. When Paulmier was kicked off the ballot, temporarily as it turned out, the Paulmier support generally went to Miller.

I have been very busy as a House Democratic leader and a member of the Speaker's Committee on Legislative Reform, as well as the prime sponsor of numerous pieces of legislation.
I was not able to attend a 17th Ward Meeting other than their twice a year pre-election party this year. I have not campaigned for any district council candidate running in any district of the city. Only one district council candidate--not Ackelsberg--asked for my campaign help, and I declined that request.

I was a very passionate supporter of all 11 of my father's candidacies for city office--the 8 victories and the 3 defeats. I too got angry at those who did not support him. But I helped him gain a lot of additional support--his vote total more than doubled from 40,000 (1973) the year before I began my legislative service to 82,000 (1979) after I had served five years in the legislature--by reaching out to others with an attitude of constructive friendliness.

First, I did not say you

First, I did not say you were part of a 'Stop Irv' effort. I said you were part of a group of people who made sure Donna got the support of the ward. I think you were. And, your dad did the same thing, only in a much stronger way, in 2003. Your father was a good, good man. And maybe he would not have been reelected without those types of deals. But in the end, enough of those deals helps kill any chance for government to succeed.

And, I also said that at the end of the day, the bottom line was that no matter what, he did not get his message out to enough people. That is just a fact.

However, my point is that you can give flowery talk about wanting to change peoples' lives and attacking poverty and all that. But at the end of the day, it takes a lot of "buy in" for people to believe those things can be accomplished. (I mean, I would bet you and I agree on about 95% of your votes, and maybe closer to 98 or 99%.) But, whether it is buying the Zen of Gambling on our dime, or supporting someone who barely seemed to blink when her chief of staff was convicted of running tax fraud schemes out of her office, I think some of the things you do are furthering people's general distaste in government, and in the ability to actually achieve those programs.

There is a reason that Knox and Nutter kicked everyone's butt; people are pretty fed up.

Your Attacks on Me Are Without Foundation

Your attacks on me are without foundation. If your goal is to persuade me to support your father in some future race, this is not a good start. I am an elected legislative leader and a vigorous leader for economic justice within the legislature. I am not a punching bag.

I support your free speech right to say what you want to say and do what you want to do. But when you repeat the propagandistic attacks of right-wing journalists on me time after time year after year, you hardly inspire unlimited confidence from me and those who support me. Daily News columnist John Baer, my most outspoken attacker, repeatedly pushed Rick Santorum for U.S. Senator in 2006 and within the last year has called for the abolition of all welfare payments and the progressive income tax. The idea that open and vigorous and extreme opponents of almost everything you stand for may not be the best source of information and analysis about the thrust of my legislative record does not seem to occur to you despite your high level of intelligence and academic excellence.

You can buy into or not buy into my vision and my record of change in the the interest of the middle class and those who want the opportunity to become middle class. You can support or not support my specific legislative proposal to raise the minimum wage to $9.35 an hour by 2010, with a cost of living adjustment annually thereafter. You can support or not support my legislative proposal to add $5 million to the Women, Infants and Children program for nutrition education. You can support or not support my efforts to expand college opportunities for low and moderate income Philadelphians and to increase awareness of the comprehensive efforts that are needed to seriously reduce poverty in our ecomically fractured city.

But it will be possible for all of us to do a lot more for a lot people if all of us recognize who the real enemies are and what they think about what we stand for. Working together we can achieve a lot more than working to score points at each other's expense.

Ha. Mark, seriously, as

Ha. Mark, seriously, as much as you think it- it has little to do with my father, and certainly has nothing to do with you supporting him in some future election. And it sure has nothing to do with John Baer.

There is a serious disconnect here. Again, I think I probably support 99 percent of the programs you support. And I want everyone else in the State to support them, as well. But, to get people to really believe in the power of government to achieve what you hope it will; to remove the cynicism that the average person has about government- something serious needs to change.

Stop Merchandizing Cynicism

Yes, there is a lot of cynicism about government.

But John Baer, and Mario Cattabiani and many others actively merchandize that cynicism in large part to discredit the possibility of government doing anything positive.

Countless "reforms" have been made over the years. But to the merchandizers of cynicism, it can never be enough because the real goal to totally discredit government and not make it better. John Baer--whom you have repeatedly cited as an objective authority even though he is far to the right of George W. Bush on many, many issues--would like nothing better than to eliminate virtually every policy spending governmental money on low-income people.

If you want to achieve positive changes, promote them. Saying you support 99% of the things I support is a formulation that--while friendly--carefully avoids a commitment to supporiting any specific thing.

If you do not want government so discredited that there is no public support for changes that improve people's lives, stop echoing attacks that are simply designed to discredit.

I am not infallible. No human being I have ever met is infallible. I doubt any human being you have ever met is infallible. What all of us should be doing is moving beyond the obvious fact that we all imperfect and figuring out how we can work together to make lives better for as many people as possible.

There is no shortage of political activists willing to fight other political activists. There is a tremendous shortage of political activists willing to work with others across factional, geographical, racial, religious, class and generational lines. Only if that second group increases dramatically is there meaningful space for important political change in the future.

With all due respect to the honorable representative, you

ascribe to John Baer views that he does not hold nor has he advocated, which is ironic in a post protesting a distortion of your own position. On Santorum, Baer was not a supporter, but did say repeatedly that his defeat wasn't a sure thing and he ought not to be counted out.

With regard to Cattabiani and Baer, their role is to expose to the light of day the inner workings of government, particularly the spending of taxpayer money. There are those who'd prefer that this information remains in the dark, for good reason.

Baer Repeatedly Praised Santorum

Baer repeatedly praised Santorum and put his various misadventures in the best possible light. I would be amazed if he did not vote for Santorum. I think Rick Santorum and Bob Casey would each also be amazed if Baer did not vote for Santorum.

It is not true that their role is to expose the inner workings of government. One never or virtually never sees them exposing programs that do a good job. One never or virtually never sees them covering in detail difficult efforts to improve people's lives that are actively opposed by special interests of one sort or another.

Their mission is to discredit government using whatever information they can find to do so. They are simply not open to the possibility that governmental programs can work or that elected officials can be conscientiously representing the interests of their constituents.

I don't know what Baer's

I don't know what Baer's personal views are -- I have remember an article/editorial a while back that accused him of being Republican b/c one or more of his kids have worked for Republicans in Harrisburg, or that he should have disclosed that. (My dad thought Wilt Chamberlain was the greatest basketball player who ever lived, I thought it was Jordan. So parents and kids can have different views.)

But there are two points I'd make. First, I wish that the DN and Inquirer would at least admit that there can be some bias/preference towards certain points of view and reporting. (Chris Satullo's (sp?) comments about the fact that the Editorial Board and the Inky's reporting was neutral on tax cuts, while including a personal comment that he was supportive of tax cuts, was more than coincidental.) There is a huge body of research about print reporting and bias/preferences it has. Whether it be reporting more crime in downtown areas, b/c the offices are downtown, sensationalizing deaths of students or suburbanites (the readership), or favoring the home team (obvious I hope), the reporting has a preference. No conspiracy, newsrooms are way to chaotic for that. But some preference.

Second, I wish that elected officials would realize (and I am not suggesting that Representative Cohen would disagree), that the reporters like to say bad things about people in charge. There is a bias to report bad things about people in charge and programs that "waste" taxpayer money. They love those stories. But I am not certain is always personal. (I think it could be sometimes. Who was the news reporter that cried when Rizzo lost?)

I think it is just a bias against those in charge, and a charge, they feel, to be critical of power as an additional check.

I Fully Recognize That Reporters Like to Say Bad Things

I full recognize that reporters like to say bad things about people in public office. I do not believe it is personal. I believe it is following a job description.

My objection here is not that Baer and Cattabiani say bad things about me and other government officials, or that Baer is a big fan of Rick Santorum.

My objection is that these essentially right-wing attacks on the legitimacy of government are given a credibility by some of the posters here--unfortunately including DanielUA--that they do not deserve.

Yes there is cynicism among the public. There is also bigotry among the public. There is also sexism among the public. There is also homophobia among the public. I am not suggesting that all of them are equal (cynicism is obviously the least harmful to others), but all have the extremely harmful effect of making it extremely difficult to organize people across geographical and class lines. I have not pandered to any of these during my years in office. I do not think in terms of stereotypes of groups of people, and I would suggest that others not do so either.

I have done worthwhile things in the legislature for 33 years and gained considerable public support by focusing on hopeful possibilities to improve people's lives. If more people here and in similar ideological places would do the same, a lot more would get done and the acceptability of progessives as leaders would be much greater among the average citizen than it is today.

truthtold: The job of the press isn't to report

all the wonderful things that elected officials do. Elected officials and their PR people do a tremendous job of reporting that. (In the old days elected officials bribed reporters to do that, but improved professional standards ended that practice, except in the on-line world.) The job of the press is to report when the custodians of taxpayer money screw up or steal. This has been the case since the beginning of the republic. It's not a "bias" to report bad things or skulduggery, it's the very definition of the job!

I agree with you that the

I agree with you that the press shouldn't act as a mouthpiece of elected officials, reporting their good deeds like press releases. The press serves an important check on the powers of government. Free press separates us from dictatorship or oligarchy.

But the two critiques I have of the press that are "bias" oriented, are (i) getting involved in the story themselves and (ii) selectively reporting bad stuff on some elected officials.

To me, the Wage Tax campaign waged, in part, by the DN and other folks, was making the news, not reporting it. It was advocacy. (Disclaimer: I fervently believe that you have to dramatically cut the wage tax, and City services, which will mean shrinking the size of City government.) That clouds the judgment, I believe, of the press as an institution and undermines confidence, b/c it now has a stake in the outcome of the news. So its hard to say on other stories we are reporting the news, when the paper took a strong advocacy position previously.

On the selectively supporting bad stuff, a good example is the fact that many in the African American community feel that the DN has a bias towards African American officials b/c it focus "bad" stories on them, as opposed to their white counterparts. Their argument is essentially, yes there are some of us who are making mistakes, doing bad things, but where's all the press on our white counterparts who are doing the same things. (A better argument is not to do the bad things in the first place, but I digress.)

For instance, the Ron White scandal. Ron White had built up his power during the Rendell Administration. (Helped by Street, no doubt about that.) But the focus of much of the reporting suggested that Street had essentially steered all bond and airport work to his firm during his tenure as Mayor, is what I have heard some in the African American community would argue.

Ron White had been doing that sooner than Street being Mayor. But the perception is that there was little if any focus on all of the business that he had received during the Rendell administration, and the fact that there were virtually no minority law firms that could do much of that co-counsel work. (I am glossing over the fact that he took it to new heights under Street, and most minority lawyers in town had complained for years about his stranglehold on the work.)

But some felt that the failure to point out all of the large majority firms who had worked steered to it, and made much larger campaign contributions, focused unnecessarily on the one African American lawyer who had done a lot of work, but a pittance as compared to the other majority firms. (Don't do that other article, those firms will sue and win.)

Also, when reporting about Carol Campbell, she is almost always framed as someone selected by City Committee, as if Dan Savage and Bill Greenlee were not. (Doesn't make any of them bad people, but the focus on Carol Campbell, for that issue is odd.)

To me, both are crappy examples, although I do hear them mentioned alot, b/c they involve folks with "dirty hands" -- using the legal term of art for when you are denied certain remedies, not a comment on their hygiene. But there have been stories, that I was a witness to, we speak to the reporter, the other side speaks to the reporter, and the reported story contains a slant that defies facts and logic.

So I ask, Hey,[insert name of reporter], that's not how I remember that. Why did you not add this fact, or why did you highlight that fact. What I have found is like politics, in the press business, relationships matter. Relationships for good leads on bad information. Relationships for the "inside story" and very few African American elected officials have those relationships, and they get crappy coverage from time to time as a result.

Many are scared to death of the press or are convinced that they will not take into account their point of view. ("They are just going to write whatever they want to write, my quote will only legitimize the story, so I will ignore their call.") As a result, they do not have any relationship with the press, and no way to get across the dirt of their political opponents, or add explanations to balance out the reporter's story.

To me, the example of failing to report all sides is rare. Most stories are on point. But every once in a while, there is a story, that is just so slanted, or fails to take into account obvious mitigants or alternate explanations, that it just angers me. That happens more when the subject is an African American elected official than not.

I try, in circles of African Americans, to point out that the press always reports bad stories about people in power, and now more African Americans are in power. But I must say that that argument is poorly received, b/c the feeling of bias is strong, if not well-backed up.

Why Is City Council Salary Not Outrageous?

Marc Steir says the state legislative pay raise to $81,050 a year plus a cost of living annual increase (it would be about $83,000 to about $84,000 this year) was outrageous.

Why were the City Council raises that City Council voted for in 2003 and other not too distant years not considered outrageous? Why was there not a single reform city council candidate opposed to the City Council salary which will hit about $107,000 this year?

If I am "tone death" to "public outrage," I am not the only one. What we have here is politically selective outrage far more than violation of sacred principles or the public trust. "Principles" that apply to state legislators and to no one else are hardly true principles. True principles are of broad applicability.

You Always Dig the Hole Deeper on this Stuff Rep. Cohen

Why the "selective" outrage? For one, I think that many folks are generally aware of the fact that the City Council salary - plus the car if you decide to take one - are the basic financial rewards of the job. State legislators get the salary, the stipends, the per diems, the "unvouchered" expenses, the vehicle allowances etc. It was also the process by which the pay raise for state legislators was advanced; in the middle of the night, no public input.

You're the poster child for these outrageous excesses and you've become a caricature of yourself on the issue because of your incredible tone-deafness.

Would You Support $107,000 a Year for State Legislators?

So,Friedman, without your contemptuous and contemptible ad hominem attacks, would you support a $107,000 a year salary for state legislators, passed at 2:00 p.m. in the afternoon, eliminating all per diems but allowing reimbursements for actual expenses incurred for staying away from home, something that council members do not have to do?

Unvouchered expenses were, of course, eliminated along with the legislative pay raise in November, 2005.

I Don't Know Rep. Cohen

Nowithstanding your overly defensive responses to questions that taxpayers can legitimately ask legislators, would you support that? $107,000 for everything?

As for reimbursement for actual expenses, I have a lot of friends who are working for the Rendell Administration right now...they don't get reimbursements for the expense of staying away from home. Is there a reason why legislators should?

Without commenting the

Without commenting the specifics of this discussion, the general rationale for providing reimbursements is that being a state legislator, particularly in a state as large and diverse as Pennsylvania, is an expensive job to have. You're constantly traveling around the state and incurring other expenses. Without the reimbursements, it would be financially impractical for many people to run for public office. This leads to only the wealthy being able to serve and denies the citizenship access to all the political talent avaliable.

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Check out my blog!

Legislators Constitutionally Required to Have Local Residence

Legislators, unlike gubernatorial appointees, are constitutionally required to have a residence in the the districts they represent. That means that legislators have to pay costs of living in two cities as a matter of law. Legislators are also expected to have constant interactions with others outside their immediate job responsibilities, which increases direct and incidental costs.

I would support $107,000 a year salary for legislators plus reimbursement for actual expenses, with no unvouchered expenses or per diems if that would be a formula that legislative critics could accept. In all candor, that would be a significant increase in take-home pay from both the present salary and the attempted pay raise. But it would end the argument that per diems--which are annually set by the federal government after extensive investigation of daily travel costs--are some kind of rip-off.

Compare the cost of salary

Compare the cost of salary per constituent. State reps are about twice as much.

Would you be ok with increasing the salary if the amount of state districts were decreased?
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"yes adam gave some informative comments but he also seems to sprinkle a little adam dust on it." - merkin

That's Not True

Seventeen city councilmen earning $107,000 per year earn an annual salary of $1,819,000 a year, paid by city taxpayers. Twenty six Pennsylvania state representatives--some of whom also represent chunks of Delaware and Montgomery Counties--earning $73,600 per year, cost state taxpayers $1,913,600 per year.

I personally think that more districts is better than fewer districts. It makes the governmental process far more accessible to ordinary citizens. I would be opposed to raising salaries and cutting the number of districts.

I was comparing District

I was comparing District Council to State Rep. Cost of legislating PA in total, as with At Large, would include State Senate seats as well then.

I tend to agree with smaller district sizes, of course to a certain point. A district with a 5 block radius is no good either and costs too much.

Are your concerns that City Council is making too much or that State Reps aren't making enough?

Personally, in regards to City Council, I would be for turning it into 15 Districts with two at-large and chopping salaries by 20%. The two at large seats (one having to be a minority seat if there are not two elected to district) would be "rovers" and would take duties of a seat if a district is vacated. If more than two are vacated, that would be grounds for special election.
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"yes adam gave some informative comments but he also seems to sprinkle a little adam dust on it." - merkin

107k for legislators-Too many State Reps

I would support this if they cut the number of legislators in half

I have to say that I was

I have to say that I was never really sure why the pay raise thing was more egregious than the Parking Authority. That was a pure political grab to add Republican patronage.

Councilmembers would argue that the pay raise put them to where their peers were and that department heads should not earn a lot more than councilmembers.

I always thought the outrage was over the time of day it was done, rather than the increase, but I have to say that I didn't/don't think it is a big deal.

Other than John Baer's articles, I have to admit that I would not have thought it was a big issue in other parts of the State.

Great point about the online world too, Gar

Online chatter of the sort I and others engage in here is not journalism.

Journalists, and the fuzzier world of columinists like you and Baer, are held to a standard of objectivity that we are not here. In a newspaper, I couldn't brand a column with the candidates I support, as I do my posts here. I like that I get to do that here...since there is some (albeit vague) underlying progressive ideology that readers and writers either share or, at least, respect.

It's interesting how a different--but still understandable--standard of behavior has developed in the online world. When Dan and Ray chase off magpie-hacks in the employ of some political person, most people here understand why and support the move.

You're absolutely right of course about the responsibility of journalists to report our leaders' misdeeds. Ben Franklin's old town should demand nothing less.

Thanking all the valiant candidates endorsed by Philly For Change, and looking forward with GREAT expectations to the first four years of MAYOR MICHAEL A. NUTTER!

No, reporting screwups sells newspapers, but

it's hardly the whole job. Most people have no idea what the legislature and other governmental bodies do, and telling them only about the graft and corruption hardly helps them figure it out. When I vote, I want to know what my reps have done on the minimum wage, on health care, and on climate change. When they screw up I need to know that too. But if that's all the media focuses on, it does indeed, as Representative Cohen suggests, feed the notion that government exists only to rip people off. I think it's remarkable that you think your entire job is to tell people what a rotten thing government is. Do you mean the press isn't supposed to help me figure out who to vote for beyond telling me who isn't a thief?

Stan: Of course the press

is supposed to report on the issues too. Please go back and look at the dozens and dozens of clips over this past mayoral campaign on where the candidates stand on the issues, what they said in debates and forums, etc. etc. The Next Mayor was a tremendous resource for this as well and included links to all the candidates Web sites. But, bottom line, the watchdog function is more important.

No, I disagree

that the watchdog role is more important. It's equal to the need to unpack what government does. So it's not enough to report on where candidates stand on issues; there needs to be follow-up after the election on how the candidates follow through. It's boring as hell, which is why if it bleeds it leads. The print media equivalent of that is "it's the corruption, stupid." But that's not all there is. When that stuff gets the headlines, instead of what a candidate has done for years to find solutions to poverty, it clearly perpetrates the notion that government stinks and the main problem is finding ways to lock everyone up as soon as possible. That's as wrong as suggesting the opposite, that corruption is OK as long as the trains run on time.

John Baer and the problem with pur Legislatures

did not support or advocate for Rick Santorum. And he was a very strong supporter of raising the minimum wage, which Rep. Cohen and I and many other folks worked to accomplish.

Rep. Cohen has long argued that the anti-pay raise movement was a right-wing conspiracy. There is no question that the right wing took advantage of anger against the pay raise. But the outrage that John Baer and others spurred was in large part the product of an outrageous act. It wasn't so much that the legislature increased its pay but that it did so excessively, wihtout warning and, in violation of the constitution. And most of the Democrats from the city simply never go it and still don't, just as many of them still don't understand why reform of the legislature is so important. I met a State Rep. a few weeks ago--it was a private conversation so I won't name names--who told me that he couldn't wait until all this reform stuff died down so that the legislature could move on to "substantive" issues. I agree with this legislator's opinions about the "substantive" issues but think he is dead wrong about the importance of reform.

The problem in Harrisburg is the same problem we have in Philly. Most legislators don't really like public pressure even when it helps them enact legislation they support. It is just much easier when the public isn't around and you can make deals with fellow legislators of both parties. When we start putting pressure on legislators, we force them to take stands that might well put them into conflict with their fellow legislators and life in in Harrisburg / City Hall is not so much fun

Maybe Mark did argue

that it was a right wing conspiracy - but that's not what I heard and read him say.

What I remember is that he said that jumping on the pay raise outrage bandwagon would result in some negative blowback (which it did), add to the destructive public sentiment that diminishes the role and validity of government (which it did), and was in some ways based on less than fair analysis (which it was because: (1), the total amount of money involved wasn't that significant relative to other budgetary items, and (2), in some ways it could reasonably be argued that the legislators deserved the pay raise).

However, what I haven't heard Mark say is that he understands why there was so much outrage about the way the pay raise was handled, and that he recognizes that the way it was handled was a violation of the public's trust, and that legislators need to be more sensitive to these perception issues so that they can gain the trust needed to garner support for progressive issues. That is the sense that I feel that Mark has been tone deaf. I feel similarly about how he presents his arguments in favor of gerrymandering, and his failure to understand why people would be upset about his expenditures on the public's dime.

My sense from Baer's reporting on the pay raise situation is that he never attempted to present the issues fairly, and instead sought to ride the wave of rabble-rousing to gain readership. And in that sense, I get Mark's point about why we should demand that journalists conduct good investigative reporting rather than simply look to create a stir by digging up dirt.

The Pay Raise Opposition ultimately helped Democrats

In that it helped the Democrats take back the House.

Of course, if the Democratic leadership hadn't insisted that challengers not raise the issue of the pay raise in their campaigns--or lose House Democratic Campaign Committee support, more Republicans might have been defeated.

It also helped us secure an increase in the minimimum wage. Rep. Cohen will disagree with this adn claim that Neighborhood Networks efforts to tie the pay raise to the minimum wage issue was counter productive. A few people on the minimum wage coalition agreed with that view and initially kept their distance from our petition tieing the two issues together. But the Mininum Wage Coalition ultimately came around to our view in large part because one of the few ways we could get publicity for the minimum wage issue was to tie it to the pay raise issue.

And by the way I never said the pay raise was outrageous. I said--and the Neighborhood Networks petition said--that it was done in an appropriate way, with no warning to the public and no debate, and that the use of unvouchered expenses to avoid the constitutional barrier against a legislative body raising its pay during a term in office was unconstitutional.

I also thought the pay raise was excessive, especially considering that the legislature gets an annual cost of living increase and gets lots of goodies beyond the annual salary. I would, however, support a moderate increase in legislative salary.

The Payback Problem

You also heard all of these stories in 2005 about legislators who opposed the pay raise or spoke out against it being stripped of their committee/subcommittee leadership positions, being denied funding for their expenses, etc. I think it was that political strongarming, and the sense that the fix was in, from both Democratic and Republican leadership, that aroused some real bipartisan outrage in Philly and statewide.

Public Pressure That Seeks to Discredit Advocates Not Welcome

Public pressure that seeks to discredit the advocates of progressive positions is not welcome. Arguing that legislators were not sincere about advocating for a higher minimum wage because a legislative pay raise passed first was a lie and a smear. Arguing that the minimum wage legislation had no chance of passing and was merely a political effort to strengthen the Democrats in the 2006 elections was neither helpful nor true either. Threats of civil disobedience as part of a minimum wage effort only set up another obstacle towards the difficult job of getting Senate Republican votes.

And the parting shots at Democrats for not spending campaign funds to pass the minimum wage was bizarre, considering the massive public relations effort we and AFL-CIO related organizations were making along with the Minimum Wage Coalition.

The pay raise was repealed in November, 2005, and a $7.15 minimum wage effective July 1, 2007 (with $6.25 the interim increase) was enacted in July, 2006. I have been working to increase Pennsylvania's minimum wage since January, 1987, and I have led the fight for the only two successful minimum wage increases above the federal level in Pennsylvania history. I picked the $7.15 figure to fight for. It was 15 cents higher than the original position advocated in the state senate and 15 cents ahead of what was then the national position of the AFL-CIO.

I am currently leading efforts to raise the minimum wage in Pennsylvania to $9.35 an hour in 2010, a position that least so far is ahead of where the national and Pennsylvania AFL-CIO and the Minimum Wage Coalition are willing to go.

As part of my effort to raise Pennsylvania's minimum wage in the 1987-1988 legislative session, I initiated the effort of pro-labor legislators around the country to get the AFL-CIO to begin the long process--now institutionalized in various forms--of helping states run national campaigns in state legislatures around the country. These efforts were vital in embarrassing Senate Republicans in 2006 into supporting our minimum wage increase after (1) 21 other states had also raised their minimum wage above the federal level and (2) three of our neighboring states had picked the $7.15 figure.

There are now 19 states with either annual cost of living increases with no caps on what the minimum wage can be, or higher caps than Pennsylvania's $7.15. Events are moving in the right direction. Pennsylvania is now one of five states capped at $7.15.
I will continue to work to see that we do much better.

The Threat of Civil Disobediernce Worked

The Minimium Wage campaign did not criticize the advocates of the minimum wage for raising their pay. We criticized everyone for raising their pay without raising the minimum wage. And we focused our criticism on the Republican leaders in the Senate, Jubelirer and Brightbill, who were blocking the bill from coming to the floor, where we knew we had the votes to win.

Much the same was true in the House. There the Minimum Wage Bill was stuck in committee. Speaker Perzel was unwilling to bring it to the floor, even though he had promised to do so.

How did we get it out? By threatening to go after Perzel with the same radio ads we were using against Senators Jubilerer and Brightbill and bIy threatening to engage in civil disobedience in Perzel's office.

Tom Cronin and I were leading the call for civil disobedience. I was bloged about it a few times.

Pat Eiding, the head of the AFL-CIO had a relationship with Perzel. He called Perzel and told him about the crazy folks who were determined to go after him if Perzel did not follow through on his promise to bring the bill to the floor. The crazy folks were Tom Cronin and me.

It worked. And the rest is history. For some details, you can go to my blog as soon as I figure out why it is not working and fix it.

The key point is that raising the minimum wage took not just inside leadership but outside pressure. Mark Cohen, whose dogged work inside the legislature was critical to moving the bill forward, didn't like the kind of pressure we used and kept asking us to back off. A number of other legislators in Harrisburg gave us very different advice. We didn't listen to Mark and that's why today he can, justly, claim credit for playing a major role in raising the minimum wage.

I Think The Threat of Radio Ads Was a Lot More Important

I think the threat of radio ads was lot more important than the threat of civil disobedience. I think Philadelphia AFL-CIO President Pat Eiding calling Perzel--somewhat dependent on labor support or at least non-mobilization against him-- was a lot more important than Marc Stier threatening to have himself arrested.

I wanted the minimum wage battle to be about raising the minimum wage. Outside pressure focused entirely on raising the minimum wage would have been a lot more helpful--with a lot fewer negative side effects--than the series of distractions that Marc Stier insisted on threatening and/or orchestrating.

When you have an issue where about 85% of the population agrees with you on, you talk about that issue if you want to succeed.

I note that Casino Free Philadelphia had one day of civil disobedience, which ended without anyone being beaten by the police or fined or sentenced to prison because of a friendly district justice convinced that the Casino Control Commission had wrongly denied them information they were legally entitled to. But even with this best of all possible outcomes, they decided to focus on more inclusive and less disruptive ways to get their message across. For whatever reason, as a candidate for Councilman at Large, Marc Stier chose not to get arrested at that time.

Some of the Radio Ads Mentioned the Pay Raise

Mark,

You have said that you are not perfect. But you tend to act as if you are never wrong.

You literally got down on your kness and begged me not to tie the pay raise and minimum wage issues together. And you threatened my political career if I didn't listen to you.

The Minimum Wage Coalition listened to you for a while. And we found that we were getting very little traction in the press or in the Republican leadership in either the House and the Senate. We did tie the two issues together in Neighborohod Network petitions and in our radio ads. And we won.

And, as for the treat of civil disobedience, Pat Eiding told me it helped. He was there.

Everyone knew that we had huge popular support for raising the minimum wage. But Brightbill and Jubelierer simply did not care until we put a lot of pressure on them in their own districs with the radio ads. And we believe, rightly it seemed, that tieing the two issues together would increase that pressure.

And, by the way, this was no great insight on my part. We talked to other Democratic legislators, esepcially in the Senate, who tolds us to ignore your objections and go ahead with our plans.

I believe your objection to our using the pay raise issue had mostly to do with your fervent defense of the pay raise. I don't think you were beiing disingenous. I think you legitimately believe that connecting the pay raise and minimum wage issues together would be counter-productive.

But you were wrong.

Marc

PS I don't know what the anti-casino movement civil disobedience action has to do with this. I was planning on getting arrested but was worried that the after arrest processing would take along time and I had an important meeting in Philly to get back too. I think it was the NOW meeting that endorsed my at-large campaign.

References to the Pay Raise In Ads Stopped In November, 2005

References in minimum wage increase ads to the legislative pay raise stopped in November, 2005, when the pay raise was repealed.

The minimum wage legislation passed various points of the legislative process in May and June of 2006, long after the pay raise issue was dead within the legislative process. Had the pay raise not been repealed, and had the minimum wage increase been continuously linked to the pay raise, it is likely we would still be talking about raising the minimum wage to $7.15 sometime in the ever-receding future. What stopped your strategy from killing the minimum wage increase was the decision of the legislature to repeal the pay raise.

I certainly did not expect that to happen when I urged you and others not to link the issues. If you expected that to happen, you certainly did not share your confidence in that happening with me or anyone else who I am aware of.

I note that Congressional Democrats have followed your strategy by linking Congressional pay raises to the minimum wage, and are still struggling to get a minimum wage increase to $7.25 enacted, with increasing doubts across the country that it will be enacted anytime soon. Desperate measures--such as putting it in bills President Bush is certain to veto--are being employed because the normal legislative process is not working for this issue, with Republicans in Congress being overwhelmingly opposed and various special interests influencing some Democrats to throw roadblocks relating to tax policy into the process.

Baer Only Supported Minimum Wage Increase Once, Weakly

Calling John Baer a "strong" supporter of the minimum wage increase is historical revisionism. While he attacked legislators for voting for the pay raise and not a minimum wage increase, he carefully avoided calling for a minimum wage increase.

Finally, after I repeatedly needled him on the subject, he once called for a minimum wage increase of an unspecified amount at the end of a long column on something else. This caused him even more grief from his radical right wing friends and allies and perhaps aggravated his animus towards me.

You and your Dad were both wrong

The greatest basketball player in history was Bill Russell.

And he wrote, with Taylor Branch, the best book ever written by an athlete, Second Wind. I've used parts of it in some philosophical essays I've written.