- This site has had enough Media courthouse stories, without any real ability to know if they are true.
- The District's South Philly High story unravels
- Meehan tries hard to make lemonade from lemons
- Re-published: Special Investigator Probes Possible MEDIA COURTHOUSE- Jehovah's Witnesses, Abuse Scandal
- no snitchin
- Taxi Workers, Nurses and Jobs: Big day in Philadelphia tomorrow
- So, got any plans for this weekend?
- Representative Chris Carney: Keep standing up for us, not the insurance companies
- Representative Jason Altmire: Listen to us, not the insurance companies
- 9th Ward Democrats "WEAR"N OF THE GREEN" St. Patrick's Party Fundraiser this Friday Night
City Council Term Limit Legislation
Submitted by Councilman Goode on Thu, 01/28/2010 - 9:34am.
City Councilman At-Large W. Wilson Goode, Jr., primary sponsor of the City’s first campaign finance law, introduced charter change legislation that would limit the amount of successive terms that can be served as a member of Philadelphia City Council.
The Philadelphia Home Rule Charter would be amended to provide that members of City Council shall be limited to three successive four-year terms, or one succeeding four-year term if elected in 2011.
Councilman Goode said, “The odds of being employed as a legislator in the United States are 1 in 2091.”
»
- Councilman Goode's blog
- Login or register to post comments


Thanks, Councilman. Two questions:
Why not two?
How likely does it seem to pass?
Term Limits
We can amend it to any number of terms and/or change the number of years in a term.
Just like with campaign finance reform, either you're for limits or not.
I got 12 votes to override a mayor's veto for campaign finance reform over 6 years ago.
We'll see. :)
WWGjr
Campaign Finance Legislation Protects Incumbents
Campaign finance legislation protects incumbents from the threats of people or PACS who could theoretically spend hundreds of thousands of dollars or more to defeat them. Incumbents have an easier time raising money than challengers do with or without campaign finance limits, but campaign finance limits stop wealthy people with an agenda from pouring unlimited amounts of their wealth into a campaign, unless they choose to run themselves.
The fact that a dozen people voted for a reform that took away a risk factor in their re-election campaigns would seem to be likely to be a poor predictor of a vote that would sooner or later make re-election campaigns as incumbents impossible.
Term Limits
I think the comments above and the article below fairly well lay out the debate. It is worth a little time on YPP. I had a term limit bill drafted that I was sitting on and Councilman Goode was kind enough to allow me to co-introduce his bill. I am of two minds on this: As Smith and my father say, we would never have had the likes of a Ted Kennedy; however, I think it encourages political activity and gives people hope that they can one day serve in an elected capacity.
Elmer Smith: What limits really limit is voter options http://www.philly.com/philly/hp/news_update/83010557.html
With respect to the thread that it will strengthen the power of the party I point you to election of Maria Quinnones Sanchez and Curtis Jones who were able to mount insurgent campaigns in effectively open seats. It will only strengthen the power of the party if the party has in place a process that encourages people who are otherwise active and informed to run for open seats and supports them. It may encourage such people to become committee people or ward leaders because they can see a path to office without a twenty plus year wait. There are already committee people (AJ Thompson who posted above comes to mind) and ward leaders like that who would benefit. I am not so sure that is a bad thing?
At any rate, as Councilman Goode has expressed elsewhere, the bill is a blank slate and hopefully we can find a way to accomplish it. What do you think of offering lifetime medical benefits or a faster vesting schedule (with increased councilmember--not just city--contributions to the pension plan) in exchange for accomplishing term limits. In the context of the overall and even the council budget this change would not be noticed in my view.
Do you agree that the benefit would still outweigh the cost under such scenarios. Other legislative bodies (congress and harrisburg) have done similar things to encourage turnover without putting term limits in place (congress I believe is pension and medical after three terms, I am told that in harrisburg you get lifetime medical after 8 years). I am inclined to think if we could get term limits in exchange for putting in place policies that otherwise promote turnover that we should do it? I am not saying this is possible or that Councilman Goode (who I do not speak for) or I support such measures, just curious as to your reaction if it were?
Why should a carrot need to be offerred?
If there is a clear popular sentiment to support term limits, why should Council need this kind of incentive to support it? Aren't they obligated to vote in ways that reflect the wishes of their constituents?
My understanding is that Council membership is already quite well-compensated. I know one argument is that better compensation encourages better candidates - but I don't really buy that. Compensation is currently good enough to ensure that plenty of well-qualified candidates would run.
Obviously, offering some form of compensation for term limits would increase the likelihood of sitting Councilmembers voting to pass term limits, but I think this is a fight worth having without catering to the self-serving interests of people who were elected to represent the community's interests.
Good Point DE II
But consider this:
I am not saying that we should or would get it done that way. I am asking do you think the benefits of term limits would outweigh the costs under such circumstances? It sounds like your answer is no?
Remember I co-sponsored the term limit bill but ask yourself why those on council opposed to term limits would limit the ability to do what I am sure each of us thinks is a good job for the people we represent? There are arguments on both sides. Other legislative bodies have provided the incentives to create turnover (faster vesting, lifetime medical) without getting the benefits of term limits themselves (in fact these measures were often put in place instead of term limits but with the same stated goal or at least rationale). What would be your reaction to simply providing these incentives to council without imposing limits so as to promote turnover? If your against that-- ask yourself why someone would vote himself or herself out of a job that they think, and the voters agree, they are doing well (or at least better than all alternatives presented to voters in the last election)?
The debate won't get far in city council, in my opinion, if the argument is simply throw them out. Voters can do that already but as we know it usually does not work that way.
As a practical reality, Councilman Green
I get your point. If your incentives are what would make the difference in a vote on City Council re: term limits, they would seem to me to be a reasonable trade-off.
Sounds like a great idea
I'm OK with Council having one more term of institutional memory than the mayor's office as a reasonable course. 3 terms seems quite reasonable.
I'm kind of undecided on this, but how about public financing
for all local elected officials?
Some of our most effective and independent public officials have served more than three terms; the late Councilman Cohen obviously standing large among them. On the other hand, there is much to say about ensuring that entrenched power not get too entrenched. So I'm just not sure about this one.
But I am sure about public financing. Particularly in a world in which corporations have been completely unleashed, there will be little opportunity for those without close corporate ties to get anywhere in local politics unless they can find another source of funding. Grass roots fundraising is good, but even to do that effectively requires start up cash. Even Obama started with major commitments from Wall Street before he ginned up his grass roots effort.
So, Councilman, this legislation is interesting, and perhaps worthy of support. I think you would really get people excited, however, if you introduced public financing legislation as your next act.
I think the good outweighs the bad
Sure, there are solid arguments on both sides, but I have to think term limits would be positive in the balance. Hopefully, the net effect will be that City Council is less reliant on "constituent services" as an election strategy. Maybe, more new candidates for City Council will tip the Council as a whole towards representing public sentiment (as opposed to wielding power they've accumulated over time in office).
In the very least, I respect Councilman Goode for initiating a policy which seems more targeted to the good of the community than his own personal welfare.
Term limits will be an uphill fight
and it enjoys a wider base of public support.
Public financing would be great but it enjoys a narrower base of public support. Its worth noting that the Supreme Court's recent unfortunate decision exactly mirrors the argument the IBEW put forward against the city's campaign contribution limits. In Philly at least I would not be surprised if some of the building's trades would be opposed to public financing at a local level.
Eight is Enough
Kudos Councilman Goode on working on an issue that I believe would usher in actual reform in this city.
Those against term limits say that voters can decide to vote incumbents out. Such a position is silly for a number of reasons. The districts are drawn by Jackson Pollock, entrenched patronage supports incumbents and ballot access has been and continues to be a crapshoot with the courts. Though it is not a Philadelphia-only phenomenon, incumbency here is job security. Quick check (I could be wrong), but the last non-appointed incumbent district councilperson to lose a council seat? Dan McElhatton in 1995.
City Council is the board of directors for the city. Unfortunately, it's not looked upon that way. Without casting any individual blame, I think that most would agree that the city needs better management on a number of levels. Almost any corporation with the consistent problems of our city would have had turnover on the Board by now.
Councilman Goode's legislation will at least put in play a way to change the composition of the board, since in no way can the electorate be expected to do so. However, twelve years on council is too long. I believe the terms should be limited to eight years total. Eight is enough years to serve as councilperson, push an agenda and get out. No one should be in a position to control a city or at least a slice of it for any longer than that.
People in power will cry sour grapes for those who complain about this issue, but this issue put to the voters would pass 8-1, if not higher. Let's see it on the ballot and let's reduce it to 8 years total.
(I have a column about this issue pending for the Daily News).
A Lot of Council Turnover
Councilman at Large Juan Ramos was defeated for renomination in 2007.
Councilman at Large Angel Ortiz was defeated for renomination in 2003.
Councilwoman at Large Joan Specter was defeated for re-election in 1995.
As stated above, District Councilman Dan McElhatton was defeated for re-election in 1995.
District Councilwoman Ann Land was defeated for renomination in 1991.
District Councilman Jack Kelly was defeated for re-election in 1991.
Councilman at Large Francis Raffferty was defeated for renomination in 1991.
Councilman at Large Jack Kelly was re-elected by only about a hundred votes in 2007.
With deaths (David Cohen, Thacher Longstreth, Herb DeBeary), a criminal conviction (Rick Mariano), resignations (John Street, Michael Nutter, Happy Fernandez, Lucien Blackwell), preference for appointed office (Joe Vignola, Augusta Clark), and retirement from government entirely (Joe Coleman) added to the mix, there has been a great deal of City Council turnover in the past twenty years--even excluding councilmembers picked by wardleaders in special elections who lost their primaries (Al Stewart in 1995, Dan Savage and Carol Campbell in 2007).
I don't think you are wrong
I don't think you are wrong to have concerns, Mark. But, I don't think 7 losses is particularly much over 5 elections, considering there are 17 people elected each time.
District Council people, especially, with the ability to kill almost any development in their district, are quite good at getting money and consolidating power.
And with a local media basically absent from those races, and with the basic impossibility of buying any level of TV time, the ability to defeat them only goes down.
the biggest argument for term limits
is thatcher longstreth, who was unfortunately, to put in kindly, in mental decline well before his last election. he was pushed out there , by the powers that be and was reelected as usual even though he was in no state to do any work.
One More Idea To Increase Mayoral Power
I don't know about others here, but I never get any reports of my constituents laying awake at night worrying that the Mayor of Philadelphia doesn't have enough power. Many of them were quite happy that Mayor Nutter did not have the power to shut down the branch libraries; that Mayor Street did not have the power to execute his idea that the city wage tax be like the Social Security tax, with incomes over a certain amount of money not being taxed; that Mayor Rendell did not have the power to aggressively fight city unions in his second term; that Mayor Goode did not have the power to set up a ridiculously expensive trash to steam plant with a high danger of air pollution in South Philadelphia; that both Mayor Green and Mayor Rizzo did not have the power to raise wage taxes to the degree they tried to; that Mayor Tate did not have the power to build the Germantown Expressway and the Crosstown Expressway, knocking down many houses in the process.
American government is based on a system of checks and balances. Checks and balances slow down the process of government, but generally work to have government make better and more widely acceptable decisions.
The Mayor of Philadelphia is by far the most powerful county or city leader in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and one of the powerful county or city leaders in America. The Mayors of Los Angeles, Chicago, and, in some ways, New York, would think they were in heaven if they had all the powers of the Mayor of Philadelphia. The tens of millions of dollars that both Mayors Rendell and Street were able to raise before campaign spending limits took effect is a testament to the vast power of the Mayor of Philadelphia.
Taking power away from the City Council, as term limits do, only strengthens the Mayor. People who are leaving are more apt to ignore the wishes of their constituents in order to appeal to their future employer. U.S. Congressman Tom Foglietta, appointed Ambassador to Italy, cast an important vote for the North American Free Trade Agreement. State Rep. Joel Johnson, defeated for the state senate, cast an important vote to cut unemployment compensation benefits. Philadelphia is fortunate it has had very few lame duck council members over the years.
I do not begrudge any member of City Council the right to retire if they feel it is time to stop working or their talents can be better used elsewhere. But I like the idea that the voters have a power over City Council members that they do not have over the mayor. I think Philadelphia is a better city as a result.
Not sure about your cause/effect,
A quick Google says that LA has term limits for City Council, Boston does not, Chicago does not, New York does.....
How do you draw a direct and categorical line between City Council term limits and Mayoral power? Based on your statement about the relative amount of Mayoral power in those cities, it seems to function completely independently of City Council term limits.
I might also add, a lack of term limits hasn't prevented
City Councilmembers from (at least sometimes) aligning themselves with the Mayor - sometimes in ways that don't reflect the sentiment of their constituents - as a way to consolidate their power. Again, term limits would likely not affect that dynamic, or perhaps even lessen that dynamic.
Term Limits Limit Ability To Say No
Term limits limit the ability to say no to any mayoral initiative, because they deprive the holders of council positions the base of experience and expertise needed to objectively evaluate proposals.
It can be assumed by the interrelationships that have long governed our city that when the mayor of Philadelphia speaks, he speaks at least for the business community and probably also for the newspapers and other organs with the capability of leading public opinion. To stand up to a mayoral proposal is not something that city council members or others do lightly.
But experience is an equalizer. Council members learn over time that the vision of reality that comes out of mayoral proclamations--whoever the mayor is--is not necessarily true. Learning from experiences stops Council members from making the same mistakes. Council members learn from experience, for instance, the revolving door nature of mayoral appointees, and the refusal of a mayoral appointee to be bound by the pledge of the one he or she succeeded. They learn that assurances of safeguards are often not followed by actual safeguards. They learn, in short, that trust of mayoral promises should not be automatic.
In Philadelphia, where there are no term limits, the Council members directly elect the leaders of Council. In New York, where there are term limits for City Council, the New York political leaders get together and instruct the Council members as to whom to vote for in leadership positions. Lack of knowledge of other Council members, as well as lack of knowledge about the substance of issues and the ability of city officials to actually keep commitments made, all work to limit the power of any city council to work effectively in the public interest.
Simple anwer
Rep. Cohen, the same argument for term limits applies to your position, possibly even more since your districts are gerrymandered on sometimes more-ridiculous levels. There are few if any real chances to challenge an incumbent. The simple view here is that a certain class of people feels that they should govern forever, despite repeated collective failures to improve things in the places they govern. I'm sure you can point to a litany of great works that you've done, but is anyone really to believe that no one in your district could have done a better job than you over the time you've been there? The system snuffs out challengers and practically guarantees incumbency. You can lean on a tired checks and balances argument all you want, the simple fact is that the legislature decides to put a term limit on the executive, but won't do so on itself.
Simple way to solve it. Put it to the voters. Now that we've got expanded gambling in the city, any chance you'd bet anyone on the outcome of the vote on the charter change? I'd say the odds of it failing would be 1,000,000 to 1.
Escape Clause
"Except as the Council may otherwise ordain from time to time..."
What is the purpose of the escape clause at the beginning of the new section?
Doesn't this mean that Council may, by ordinance, simply change the term limits enacted by this Charter Change?
New York City enacted term limits, by popular initiative, in the 1990s. The voters re-affirmed that vote at the polls. But the New York City Council passed an ordinance to exempt themselves one time from the operation of term limits. If this Charter Change is enacted, couldn't the Philadelphia City Council do the exact same thing?
Either we have term limits. Or we don't. What's the point of having term limits if the people supposedly limited by them can just adjust them whenever they want?
Either we have term limits. Or we don't.
JacPhl wrote "Either we have term limits. Or we don't."
I agree - and - we don't.
The New York referendum mistake is actually why there's an escape clause.
WWGjr
I applaud the move. I think
I applaud the move. I think it would open up the city government. That said, I don't think there should be such an easy escape clause. This will pass, by a lot if it is on the ballot. A simple majority of Council shouldn't undo it.
The Voters Can Vote For Candidates Who Believe In Term Limits
People can run for City Council now and pledge themselves to serve only two or three terms.
Or they can run for City Council and pledge to work for term limits no matter how long it takes--decades, generations, whatever.
The last major candidate to run on a term limits pledge was Bill Leonard, Tom Leonard's brother, who ran in 1991 for Councilman-at-Large. After losing, he moved out of the city.
Gov. Mark Sanford (yes, that Mark Sanford) of South Carolina was elected to Congress on a term limits pledge (four terms) in 1994. So was Bob Edgar, an unquestionably good guy, (six terms) in 1974, who was the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senator in 1986. So was Jim Greenwood in Bucks County,now a $750,000 plus a year lobbyist, who Pat Murphy succeeded. I first met Greenwood when he was a teacher in Bucks County, earning, I am sure, a tiny fraction of what he is earning now.
People who run on the term limits issue generally intend to run for something else or do something else connected with government after their terms expire, as the three above examples indicate. Common Cause, in California, has said that term limits in the California legislature mean that a high percentage of the legislature is running for something else, increasing the need to raise money and increasing the indebtedness to special interests.
One interesting thing among term limits is that it has very few advocates among elected legislative officials who serve in states or cities that mandate it. That is different from many other reforms that are enacted, such as campaign expenditure limits or public financing. Even Russ Diamond has criticized the idea of term limits for Philadelphia city council, saying they will strengthen the Democratic Party organization more than do anything else.
Wouldn't that undermine the whole point?
Asking candidates to voluntarily run on term limits when that restriction's not put on anyone else is a bit like asking candidates to subject themselves to campaign finance limits when such a restriction is not imposed on anyone else. It's a bit disingenuous no?
You raise valid arguments. No system is perfect, term limits or not. The problem is that the refutation of your concerns are just too many members who are sitting in City Council today - not all by any stretch, but too many nonetheless.
Still No Explanation
"The New York referendum mistake is actually why there's an escape clause."
So, wait, Councilman, the fact that there was a dispute in New York over the ability of the Council to overturn term limits by ordinance and not public vote, is why you put in an escape clause in your Charter change?? So you want it to be clear that Council has the ability to amend the term limits by ordinance? Okay, but that begs the question: Why?
Why should the Council, who needs voter approval to put the term limits in place, be able to overturn the voters' approval of this Charter Change and adjust/remove term limits by ordinance -- and not another public vote?
My argument is that we effectively wouldn't have term limits if this Change was passed because, at any time, by Council vote, term limits could cease to exist. Just like what happened in NYC -- when the political leadership wanted an extra term, in violation of the limits -- they changed the law. Under your proposed Charter change, that could happen here. So what's the point?
The turnover needs to be staggered... that's the explanation.
JacPhl - Under the proposed legislation, it is assumed that there will be some turnover before 2019 when current members re-elected in 2011 and 2015 would not be eligible for that election - and the rest of the turnover would occur in 2019. The "three term limit" turnover would then not always occur with the open election of the Mayor when there would be a better opportunity for turnover anyway. It creates a staggering of the turnover to assure that's there's sufficient institutional memory and legislative experience.
The escape clause is for flexibility in the case that there's not sufficient staggering in the turnover.
If someone has a better plan for such staggering, I'm open to suggestions and amendments - including elimination of the escape clause.
But the charter has to be amended to create term limits simply because the terms are set by the charter. And it's not uncommon for charter amendments to allow for further amendment by ordinance. The charter itself generally gives Council that power - that's our job, as described by the Charter.
WWGjr
All that is needed is use
All that is needed is use the same language in the tern limit section of the charter for the mayor's office and re word it to include all councilmembers to a two year term or three year term and while you are at it include all elected row office in the term limit.
Like below.
CHAPTER 4
TERMS OF OFFICE
New section
§ 3-406 council-members
Council-members shall serve for a term of four years beginning on the first Monday of January following his/her election.The election for council-members are to be every four years starting in the primary election in 2012 and every four years after that. He/she shall not be eligible for election for more than Three successive terms; and he/she shall not during his/her term of office be a candidate for any other elective office whatsoever. Should he/she announce his/her candidacy for any other office, he/she shall be automatically disqualified to continue to serve as a council-member, and the office shall be deemed vacant. A vacant council seat must have a special election within the first year the office becomes vacant.
Sure, a Republican Ward Leader like yourself
is going to like anything that shakes up a City government overwhelmingly dominated by Democrats for so many decades.
I like change, and I especially like the idea of shaking up City government.
But fair elections among all candidates that the electorate desires ought to do that.
We need better elections, but I'm not convinced that means more limited elections.
Limiting Council to two terms means eventually every other person on Council will be a lame duck. Anyone who remembers the lame duck terms of John Street and Ed Rendell, neither being the worst mayor in Philly history, should be awfully skeptical about that.
Eight years is a lame duck?
That would discredit the presidency and the Mayor right there.
A term-limited field will lead to a more politically active and vigorous field of candidates and council members. As Councilman Green notes below, Councilmembers Quinones Sanchez and Jones are two great examples of council members who are legislating with the kind of fire sorely lacking in too many Council veterans.
Term limits are not perfect, nor a solution to anything, but term limits are more than shaking up government. They encourage responsible and vigorous commitment to governance and politics. And as much as I respect our great legislators, governance is not an entitlement, it's a service. Good people are good people. We need them back in our communities finding multiple roles for service.
Good goal, but I'm still skeptical
Institutional memory and legislative experience are important; in fact, those reasons give me great pause about supporting term limits for legislators. (I normally do, though, but it's a tough call every time.)
I do not think that giving the legislators who are term-limited the power to adjust those limits is wise. Particularly if the designed use of the escape clause is to prevent too many members from being removed from office (aka, "too great of a loss of institutional memory.") Unfortunately, I do not think there is a way to ensure the retention of institutional memory when imposing term limits. Loss of institutional memory is necessarily a risk that we must face if we judge the benefit of term limits is greater.
I suppose I would support an escape clause but only if the people were to vote to remove the term limits they imposed. If legislators are truly worried that the loss of institutional memory is too great to withstand, allow them to make that argument to the people and let the people decide.
Thanks for your explanation, though. Certainly removes the negative inference from the inclusion of such an easy escape clause.
--
Do you have a plan for building support for this change to get a hearing before committee and 2/3 support from Council? Or a plan for getting the requisite signatures to put this initiative before Council, allowing a simple majority vote to send it to the primary ballot?
Because I love democracy -- meaning the choice of the electorate
I've never loved term limits, even when they're sometimes popular with some progressive reformers, and even though I definitely desire turnover on City Council.
Simply put, it's the law telling voters they can't vote for whom they want to, which from a small d democratic perspective sucks.
Trusting the electorate even less than we do presently seems to me regressive, not progressive, even if there were short term benefits to the left.
Do we really want the odious problem of political lame ducks invading the legislative level -- people in government who no longer feel the pull of the ballot box in their decision-making, and who are thus less likely to listen to the electorate?
I think in general it's more progressive to seek government that has to listen to the electorate more, not less.
Experience bears out that lame ducks listen to the electorate less, even less, in my opinion, than do long-term incumbents.
I'm all for changing election laws to make City Council races WAY more competitive.
I imagine local politics would benefit immediately if the current logjam on Council were broken (but politics ain't pop music; just because it's different doesn't mean that it's better; hard to believe as it may be, but it could get worse).
Term limits seem to me an unnecessary evil that's enticing in periods of political discontent -- when Center City progressives REALLY want to prevent Northeast Philly voters from re-electing Joan Krajewski one more time or Northwest folks from sending back Donna Reed Miller. But that's less democracy, not more.
Term limits were all the rage in 1994 among resurgent conservatives who thought they could finally realize their dreams of killing Social Security, Affirmative Action, and the public school system...if they could finally dislodge Ted Kennedy, the most powerful Dems and the most entrenched moderate Republicans.
They probably could have then, if Congress had been term-limited.
I definitely agree that the logjam on Council has been the result of (among other things) non-competitive elections. That's not good for democracy either. We should consider ways to make elections more competitive.
But I'm not convinced that limiting people's choices, and thus the voice of voters in the ears of term-limited legislators, is the answer.
what about the specific case
of thatcher longstreth. by the time of his last election his mental capabilities had declined to the extent where a most of time , he didn't know where he was or who the people were around him. but because he was on ward ballots and people knew his name they voted for him. in council meetings his companion pushed him out to meetings and he just sat there , never uttering a word, totally unaware of his surounds . unlike for mayor, where voters usually form a specific opinion themselves on who to vote for, in most but not all council races voters will vote for, basically ,whoever is on their ward ballot, which is 99.99999% of the time incumbents.
Legislating far-reaching long-term democratic rules
over single bad cases is not always a good idea.
When the problem is someone who's too sick to serve, the City could simply set attendance and participation benchmarks that Council Members need to meet in order to avoid forfeiting their seats and being replaced in special elections.
But I agree there's a problem.
And at-large seats like Longstreth's generally are more competitive and aren't as big a problem, regarding lack of turnover, than are district seats, where the number of ward leaders who influence elections is much smaller and much easier for an incumbent to control.
(There's a downside to at-large vulnerability too: ballot position -- which is based purely on the luck of the draw of a number from a can -- can play a large role in a candidate's fate, not exactly the most democratic factor.)
One possible solution that's been discussed here is to shake up the ward/committee structure, so committeepeople and ward leaders aren't the same old faces seeking patronage from the same old Councilpeople.
Another solution is to close off the lines of patronage and make all City jobs and contracts competitive.
And Stan has made the very good suggestion that more reform minded people should run for committee.
Voter choice
(Let me preface this by saying that I'm not picking on Councilmembers. I just think that many have been there too long and should move onto some other form of service. It's a personal belief for me that holding one political office should not be a career).
In many ways, I agree with your points Sam, but they're just too theoretical. Applied to Philadelphia, they just don't work. Voter choice doesn't really exist here, so we're not limiting anything really. It seems that term limits are the only way to have choices. It's almost tongue in cheek to say that term limits would limit choices, like saying the BCS is the best way to find a National Champion in college football. Of course, Philly is part of a national trend in low turnout, but the same old winners and no challengers system we have keeps people from voting. Most people say, "why do it?" and don't show up. The rest that do are often choosing between unqualified challengers and shoo-in incumbents. An accurate survey of people who don't participate would show that same-old-same-old and "My vote doesn't mean anything" would be high on the list of reasons for apathy. To say that our leaders are picked by the will of the voters, especially on a local level, is almost silly.
My view is that Councilman Goode's term limit legislation will usher in an unprecedented wave of citizen empowerment. You might even see other councilpeople join the bandwagon and introduce some more reform-minded bills, such as rotating the ballot positions both in district and citywide elections, moving the council elections so that they're staggered and some occur mid-mayoral-term. So far critics of this legislation seem intent on pointing to the system we have and saying that term limits won't work. I may be blind, but is city government that great? What are we holding on to? It seems almost absurd to hold our current system out as some bastion of democracy.
Perhaps some view term limits as misguided, but does anyone really believe that this wouldn't have overwhelming support of the voters? Now that doesn't always mean that a bill is good law, but it does reflect popular will.
Term limit legislation and, hopefully, reforms that follow will directly result in more participation from voters, better candidates in the future and better leadership (Prediction not guaranteed). It doesn't hamper choice. It enhances choices.
please explain to me how
If approved by voters in a referendum, which I bet would pass 75-25 if not higher, this term limit law would be undemocratic?
Are there studies out there that term-limited polities are much more functionally ungovernable than Philadelphia?
Indeed, there is an irony in terming term limits "undemocratic"
(to echo what others have said in this thread), if a sizable majority of the electorate favors them.
No doubt, majorities can and have supported concepts which are arguably "undemocratic" in nature, but calling term limits inherently undemocratic, without grounding the argument specifically in the realities of the City Council in Philadelphia, reminds me of SCOTUS calling limits on corporate campaign financing undemocratic. (Maybe there is some validity to a theoretical argument that limiting spending on elections is undemocratic, but considering the realities of our electoral system, I would argue that limiting corporate spending in elections doesn't shrink our democracy, but enlarges it.)
Also: term-limiting legislatures can empower executives
as legislatures often need solid relationships among elected officials -- voting blocs, if you will -- to negotiate with strength and a coherent voice with executives.
So I'd be careful about supporting term limits if you don't like a City government dominated by a strong mayor.
Term limited legislatures also can lead to chaotic City governments: see Cincinnati.
3d point: the reason Republicans historically like term limits
especially right wing libertarian Republicans, is because governments that act together less (over time, as do governments with new legislators) generally tend to act together least.
Less government usually means less regulation and fewer government programs.
And when government can't get its act together to provide aid and administration over society, you know who steps in to fill the power vacuum: the happily unregulated business community.
Sorry to keep up the critique, but this is an argument a lot of us who were politically active on the left in the 1990s were used to having, mostly with people on the right.
I'll reiterate though, I too see the possible short-term political utility of cleaning house on City Council.
I just think we could end up creating a lot of long-term problems if we opt for term limits.
Term limits exist in other large cities, why not here
Sam wrote: "I just think we could end up creating a lot of long-term problems if we opt for term limits."
I think just the opposite. Long term problems are created by politicians who build machines to keep themselves in power. Los Angelas has term limits and it seems to work just fine. Good council people interested in continuing to serve can then seek other posts in government. Only the best can make a career out of it.
Term limits may prevent corruption, but they must apply to lower level jobs such as ward leader, which from what I hear, might just be the dirtiest job in town. Term limits at the council level without term limits at the ward level would make ward leaders the kingmakers (or queen makers).
George Washington was an obvious believer in term limits. I vote to accept his leadership on this issue.
I'm still thinkin' about it, but . . .
I kind of feel right now like it's a diversion from the real key to cleaning up politics, and that's public financing. If candidates, whether incumbents or newcomers, have to raise a gazillion dollars from people and corporations who are out only for themselves, you have candidates in thrall to private rather than public interests. Term limits don't stop the buying of candidates, because there will always be a fresh, new face willing to be bought. So, it's not so much that I'm either sold or not sold on term limits. I just think it's a distraction from the real issue; i.e., getting the dirty money out of the game.
Our campaign finance system needs improvement
Campaign financing is certainly part of the problem. Buying a candidate is considered a long term investment. I believe it would be much easier for candidates and incumbents to maintain integrity and passion when their time in office is limited, and they haveto develop new careers based on their reputation.
More candidates might result in a spreading of the money, and level the financial playing field.
Our system as it currently stands needs improvement. I think this may be a step in the right direction.
My story on term limits
My story on term limits in meeting with a to be unnamed state rep for Philly whom I met shortly after his first election:
We met around whether he would support the historic education funding formula. After a lot of complaints about how he's just one of hundreds of votes, he basically laid out his strategy. He was most vulnerable in his first re-election run so he wasn't going to support something that would be controverial. By his second re-election run he had a more than 60% chance of being re-elected but that wasn't fool proof. And by his third term, he had a more than 90% chance of being re-elected. My response: So we should come back in six years for anything meaningful? His response: Those are the numbers, he shrugged.
Term limits. Period.
Council Reform
There is an old joke about political conventions: by the second day everything has been said but not everyone has said it.
I'm going to try not to exemplify that joke and simply say that term limits are a terrible idea and Sam has shown why.
1. They are undemocratic.
2. They reduce the power of the Council by removing members who have a depth of knowledge and the relationships with in the city--citizens, bureaucrats, other members our Council that give them the information and trust with which they can challenge a Mayor.
3. They reduce the electoral pressure that keeps Council members responsive to the voters.
That other cities have terms limits is not an argument. That George Washington voluntarily retired does not show he wanted term limits. The Constitutional Convention explicitly considered the idea and the leaders of it---Madison and Hamilton--vehemently rejected it.
Term limits is one of those simple ideas that are easy to understand and that sound good and that, unfortunately too often to people who know enough about a subject to embrace an "advanced" and "progressive" idea but don't know enough to understand why the unintended consequences of that idea are seriously problematic.
(Too other examples come to mind: the nuclear freeze and single payer health insurance both of which became / are touchstones of progressive thinking but which were / are opposed by the people who know the most about the subject.)
Joke
I have to respectfully disagree here Marc, because it seems that anti-term limit posts here have harped on a general theme that term limits are somehow undemocratic. Are they any more undemocratic than our current system here in Philly?While I believe term limits for all legislative levels, we're not really talking about that philosophical debate. We're talking about term limits for Philadelphia. That's it. They're the only way to get any kind of real turnover on council, aside from untimely deaths, indictment or local television news investigative reports.
I guess it comes down to how you see Philadelphia. I look at it as horribly broken and that wholesale changes are needed to ensure the survival of most communities outside of the downtown bubble and some other pockets here and there. To me, it's worth legislation that offends some policy-theorists to get meaningful change. If these term limits are so undemocratic, why do we place them on the executive branch? Why do some jurisdictions have retirement ages or mandatory reassignments to lesser courts for judicial branches? It's not apples and oranges. The legislative branch should be term limited just as the executive branch.
The city rots. Things continue to decline, yet a law that will, ghast, force councilpeople to only serve for 12 years is threat to democracy. I say try it out. What's the worst that could happen. This term limit plebiscite, if allowed to occur, will mark 2010 as the year in which Philly looked in the mirror and changed itself (hyperbole over).
You'll get no argument from me about the general point
If you could get royalties for the political slogan "politics is broken in Philadelphia" I'd be rich enough to run for office again and win.
Everything you say is absolutely true and Council deserves a lot of the blame. But...
1. Even if we term limit the incumbents, until we have deeper reforms, their replacement aren't going to be cut from a different mold. If our more senior members of Council were to be forced to leave office, most likely they would be replaced by people from the same political faction and whose view of the world is not much different than the member they replace. Just as John Street handed his seat on to his chief of staff when he ran for Mayor, Marian Tasco and Frank DiCicco would most likely hand their offices down to members of their factions in the party, people who have the same outlook as they do.
Until we change how we elect Council members through campaign finance reform, public financing, and making the party more progressives, term limits won't change that much.
2. The problems of Council run deeper than individual Council members. I mentioned Tasco and DiCicco in the last paragraph because I think they are among the best members of Council, along with Jim Kenney. I don't agree with them on everything but I'm old enough to recognize that agreeing with me is not necessarily the only criteria by which to evaluate a politician. (Maria Q-S is in a different class because we pretty much do agree on everything.)
What frustrates me is that while many members of Council are thoughtful people who do try to do what's best for the city, Council as a whole is so often disappointing. Take the disputes over the library, casinos, and the BRT. Council has consistently not taken the lead in siding with the citizens of the city against the Mayor or State Legislature or in pushing forward reform.
I've thought about this for awhile and there are a lot of reasons for this. If I have time I'll try to write a bit more.
But quickly I'd identify three issues that have to do with the structure and culture of the Council.
1. The Mayor is too strong. That encourage irresponsibility among Council members.
2. There is a culture in Council that encourages the members to not rock the boat. One good example of this: Council is the only legislative body I know where members take pride not in introducing new legislation but in not only how often their legislation is enacted but how often this happens with unanimous support. We all know of one Council member who seems inordinately broad of his box score in enacting legislation.
Yes, passing legislation is important. But you can get a lot of legislation enacted without changing a whole lot. Legislators should be doing other things well: being on the cutting edge in developing new programs and policies; holding hearings that point to the things that don't work in the city; helping build movements of citizens to create pressure for reform.
The last point is particularly critical. Council members almost resent it when we citizens create a movement that bombards them with phone calls or faxes or emails. This is almost bizarre. Members of Congress not only expect this kind of outside pressure but they ask for it and work with interest groups outside Congress to create it. Our Council members largely would prefer to work in isolation from the rest of the city.
3. District member prerogative.
I don't see how term limits changes any of these three problems, especially given the first point I made, that the replacements for term-limited Council members will be similar to those they replace. And, as I pointed out, term limits will have negative consequences. The worst one is that it will make our already too-strong Mayor even stronger.
What will change these things? I wish I had an answer. A few years ago I thought that we had an opportunity to build a progressive movement that could elect council members with a very different outlook, members who would come into Council with a different attitude and work hand in glove with neighborhood activists around the city and progressives to build enough pressure on Council to change its culture. We made a little progress. But we made a lot of mistakes and building this kind of movement is obviously a lot harder than some of us thought it would be.
. , not least because we progressives made a lot of mistakes in trying to build a movement and win electoral I thought that
Puhleaz
Marc:
To your point:
1. Who is more likely to enact whatever your vision of real reform is? People making a career or people doing at most 12 years of service?
2. My reaction here has nothing to do with term limits. Marc: you have not created a movement.
Council did lead on libraries and the BRT. On November 12, 2008 we passed a resolution co-introduced by MQS, myself and others to keep libraries open with the shared sacrifice model which my office helped the Friends of the Free Library organize. Council brought a peremptory mandamus which it won and is still in effect (it requires the Mayor to go before council to close libraries). It is council's BRT reform bill that reformed the BRT with only minor input by the administration after they had no choice but to work with a united council. It is council that prevented a 19% property tax increase by fighting with data that demonstrated that increasing property taxes is regressive in Philadelphia. Council put together the power point on this issue and the library issue using data to turn the editorial boards around on their initial stance supporting cuts and increased property taxes. When has council in the past defeated a Mayor's budget and put their own alternative revenue measures in place?
We ain't afraid of no Mayor.
It was council that led on the moratorium on Sheriff sales, etc.
I don't think the addition of three freshmen has made council less powerful? I am proud of the work we have done on council. All 17 of us, especially leadership.
In fact, one could say that the above demonstrates that term limits are not needed (although that is not my position) for the exact opposite of the reasons you cite.
Check out the below article. Council's got it going on (in my humble opinion).
http://www.philly.com/philly/news/80460147.html
Stop whining, work with those of us with you most of the time, start winning.
Bill
Everything is not rosy on Council, Bill
Bill,
I certainly appreciate some of the new energy that you, Maria, and Curtis have brought to Council. But we still have a long way to go.
And I differ with your assessment of Council's achievements.
1. Council did not lead on the library issue. An ad hoc citizen's movement, in which I played a small part, took the lead; showed the whole city how flimsy the administration's arguments were; and called for shared sacrifice long before Council took action. A lawsuit was filed by Irv Ackelsberg before you joined it with a slightly different legal theory. It was great that you joined the campaign to save the libraries, Bill. But no one in Council lead it.
2. On the BRT, yes there was a Council bill, which was pretty close to what the Mayor wanted. But again, the leadership came from outside of Council, in this case from the Inquirer. Council might have held hearings that revealed the incredible corruption and incompetence that the Inquirer series revealed. I'm still waiting for the first Council investigate hearing that probes some of our other major problems in the city or that points to new opportunities before us that the administration has ignored. (Here's a hint: you can start with public transit policy.)
3. As for tax policy, yes Council did change the Mayor's policy and that was new. But no, Council did not pass a good budget. The sales tax is a regressive tax. And relying on it put us in hock to a state legislature that almost rejected the tax and / or screwed union members in the city. Meanwhile, other alternatives, such as making the BPT more progressive and business friendly were ignored. And I disagree with you about the property tax as well. It's going to be difficult to raise property taxes until the we fix the process of assessment, but if we do that, and also institute a homestead exemption and / or circuit breaker, the property tax is potentially more progressive than the sales tax. There is nothing stopping Council from taking steps in that direction now.
4. And on Sheriff's sales, I've complained before that the Mayor took credit for the work that John Dodd and Lance Haver and the courts did. I'll say the same thing about anyone on Council who wants to take the credit.
And do I need to list the other critical issues facing the city that Council has been very busy ignoring in addition to transportation? Where is Council leadership on casinos? Where is it on the violence at South Philly High? Where are the Council members working to get more support from the state and federal government? Who among you is willing to stand up to Comcast? How long are we going to live with row offices we don't need?
And what is our strategy for economic development besides cutting taxes? I'll give you credit for pointing out that the administration doesn't have one. But neither does Council.
So I'll agree that there are some reasons for thinking that Council is moving in the right direction. But there is still along way to go.
And don't worry, if you and others on Council are ready to lead, you will have plenty of people supporting you, including me.
Marc
PS I don't really think term limits make much difference. After reading what folks have written here, I'm less opposed to them than I was. But I can't see them making an enormous difference. People who serve on Council are people making a career of politics, if only for twelve years, and that's not going to change with or without term limits.
any stats on voter turnout
Marc:
How are term limits undemocratic? The argument can be made that not having term limits turns many people off to participating because they feel the fix is in.
Just wondering, anyone have stats on voter participation when the race does not feature an incumbent as compared to when it does?
If voter turnout is up when no incumbent is running, that would be an argument in favor. If the opposite is true, then it goes against me.
democracy and term limits
When the people are limited in who they can choose to hold office, democracy is limited.
So many other factors are far more important than incumbency determining voter turnout for down ballot offices like turnout that I don't think the impact of incumbency could easily be measured or is worth measuring.
"Democracy is Limited"
I don't agree with that argument. I get the concept, but, many things we do in some way limit democracy.
Why don't we have elections every year? Why do we even have elections period? Why not have a direct citizen vote on everything? Why not go back to directly electing the coroner?
I think the limiting democracy argument is looked at as if we are in a vacuum, instead of a city that desperately needs new ideas constantly flowing into city council. And a governance proposal that would, unquestionably be approved by voters.
The records on incumbency limits those who can hold office
Marc:
You write "when people are limited in who they can choose to hold office democracy is limited."
If this is true then certainly an incumbency limits who people can choose to hold office. The record of incumbents v non incumbents in both primaries and general elections proves what i offer here is fact, not opinion.
Term limits increase the choices that public has. It doesn't mean someone whose term is up in Congress can't run for Senate, or Governor or whatever else they may seek. If they are true public servants they will find a way to serve.
Real Council Reform
Here are two ideas to make our Council better.
1. Eliminate the at-large seats.
The at-large seats were meant to give us Council members who think about the good of the city rather focusing on the interests of a neighborhood or two. It hasn't worked that way. When there is a tension between a neighborhood and the city as a whole, at-large members tend to either represent the neighborhoods that are their base in the city or defer to the district members from the neighborhoods that are in conflict with the city.
Creating seven new districts seats would also enable groups whose views are not well represented on Council (for example, the LGBT community, northwest progressives, Asians) to have a better chance of electing someone who represents them to Council. Recall the lesson of the Harvey Milk story.
2. Public financing of campaigns. I've written about this many times. We had a moment--right before the last election--where Council members Vera and Tasco held hearings on the subject. But the idea died. It is likely to stay dead until the economy recovers and tax revenues increase. Then I hope we revive it.
At the same time
supporting terms limits wouldn't conflict with the above. I don't think there's disagreement about the importance of campaign finance laws or the fact that there are additional ideas to reform council.
Eliminate all district seats
Eliminate all district seats make all council members at large that way the whole city has a say in who is on council make 21 council at large seats and reduce the amount of money they make.
I have seen no evidence,
I have seen no evidence, historically or among the different levels of government, that term limits improve government performance. The purpose of government is to achieve the common good, which includes improving the operation of government in terms of efficiency and effectiveness. Just rotating people in offices is not an end in of itself.
Let me suggest a different focus for those desiring change. Come up with policies that improve the lives of the citizens of Philadelphia and improve the operations of the city bureaucracy. The city has an incredibly large number of people living on the margins. How about changing that. If you want city council to function better, how about periodic testing of council members on their understanding of policy matters, with those doing well being more highly remunerated & those not doing well receiving lower pay. How about reducing the size of our very large city council, thus saving the taxpayers money. All these would be real things rather than the musical chairs game of term limits.
Term Limits
I am certainly not opposed to the concept of term limits. But we must consider that the job of a Philadelphia City Council Member is a full time assignment for the entir duration of a particular term of service. This means that people who make the commitment to serve--on one hand--gain unprecedented power to affect change in their community, but on the other hand, they sacrifice time they could have been spending building their careers in the private sector. Eight years away from one's private sector career makes for enourmous setbacks for sthat person professionally.
I worry that with two term limitations for service, the only people we will find who would be willing to serve are extreamly wealthy people or older retired people. And quite frankly, isnt that already the problem...?
But as I have said, I am not entirely opposed to the concept of term limits. I would say 4 or 5 consectutive terms should be the limit. That is enough time for a lawmaker to save for retirement and have ample time to serve his or her community.
The truth is that it takes over 4 years to fully understand how to navigate through the Bureaucracy anyway. In other words its takes a freshman Councilman pretty much the duration of his first term to understand how to move legislation effectively.
So with that being said, the real question is, how do we draft term limitation legislation that considers Councilmembers professional sacrifice, a council memebers need need for seniority to understand how to best do his or her job, while also making sure that they do not spend to much time in any one seat?
term limitations must address all of those concerns in order to be effective. Whats more is that if you cannot address those concerns you'll never get it through committee...
Any Thoughts?
Boston sucks for not having Term Limits!!
we have an incumbent Mayor who is a bullying meglamaniac and is killing what could be a great city!
Its about him and his cronies and this city is in the toilet...
a try at term limits lost by a very narrow margin - time for a change...
But we need them!
Term limits create interest in the political process
As many of you know I am a candidate for state representative. Had Kathy Manderino not retired from the seat, she probably would have run unopposed. Instead the Green party has a candidate, the Republicans have a candidate, and by some counts 6 or 7 Democrats are running for the seat. Thousands of people across our district are having their doors knocked on and are engaging in short discussions on this election.
This is good for democracy. Term limits as a principle will benefit democracy. The length of the term is subject to debate. But we must allow each generation to govern itself.
You can't short-circuit movement building
The more I think about the term limits question, the more I conclude it just is a distraction. I'm no longer as opposed to them as I once was, largely because of the arguments made here. But I still don't think they will change the way we are governed in important ways, largely because I've seen no evidence they have ever done that anywhere.
And it seems to me that what we are doing in this debate is what Americans do so often--looking for an easy, structural fix to our politics when the problem is really our entire political culture. We are badly governed because we let ourselves be badly governed. And that means that if we want better government we have to organize ourselves to demand it. In other words, we need a movement for progressive governmnet.
But it is a lot easier to say that than to create it. But it is not impossible.
I've been part of an effort to build such a movement in Philadlephia. We've made only a little progress. I've been part of effort to create a movement for health care reform in the United States and we've done much better.
When the time is ripe, movements grow and become successful. But it takes patient organizing, skill and resources to build the organizational infrastructure that can take advantage of such a moment.
Rather than worrying about term limits, we should be thinking about how to build that infrastructure.
I don't think term limits are the only thing
but I think they can help as part of a broader package to deal with the overarching power of money in politics. Citizens' United just highlighted the extraordinary power that concentrated wealth is now playing in our politics. It has to be countered through an effective campaign reform regime that has as its centerpiece, public financing. But to encourage new and insurgent campaigns the benefits of entrenched incumbency should also be dealt with. I think there's usefulness to experience and know-how, so I don't think term limits should be extraordinarily short. Three terms for Council members is probably about right.
But again, the key reform, without which nothing else will accomplish much, is creating a robust system of public financing. Of course, we'll never accomplish that, certainly in Philly, without a powerful progressive movement, so I do agree with you Marc, that we have an absolute need to build that movement.
Reform at the municipal level is a necessity not a distraction
unless you think Philadelphia runs just fine on the patronage system.
It's literally part of the difference between functioning cities (such as New York City, Los Angeles, San Jose, San Diego, Houston, San Antonio, Dallas and Phoenix) and non-functioning cities like Detroit and Baltimore.
Look, I'm philosophically opposed to limiting democracy, which is why I've always opposed term limits...BUT I'm evolved enough to investigate whether my personal philosophy works out in the real world.
Upon investigation, I found that functioning large cities term limit their City Councils to avoid the mire of non-competitive elections and the status quo.
In practice, it turns out, non-competitive elections limit democracy in big city governments more than do term limits.
It's just too easy for councilpeople to use the patronage system to insure non-competitive elections. Non-competitive elections lead to long, long leisurely legislative careers of decades in City government. Such legislators become adverse to change, since the system and the status quo treats them so well.
The patronage system and non-competitive elections make people cynical about government. Cynicism kills political participation and social movements.
At certain points, reform is necessary to restore people's faith and interest in governments.
Philly, it seems to me, is at such a point.
***
In a larger sense, Marc, I think you're off in your assessment of the way political movements work, if you're allowing your purview to include different kinds of governments, such as national, state, and municipal.
The key is to think of governments, and the social movements that participate in them and change them, as an ongoing (unlike a human life, never-ending) process, and not acting like a narrative with a beginning, middle, and ending. The thing about government -- and power in general -- is that while there are climaxes (such as getting legislation passed), there aren't really endings, except in connection with individual people and careers.
Movements happen when problems are identified, and people are pissed off enough, or inspired enough, to do something about them.
People in social movements get in trouble when they try to orchestrate movements in the way you're suggesting ("rather than worrying about term limits we should be thinking about building..infrastructure").
People will -- and need to -- work on the movements that inspire them and seize moments and change things when opportunities occur, not according to some longterm master plan (strict Marxists found out the hard way that you can't accurately predict longterm how EVERYTHING will play out).
Longterm plans aren't the problem.
The problem is telling inspired people to NOT work on an issue because of a longterm plan, especially when an opportunity occurs (such Councilmen Goode and Green's bill).
On a purely practical level, people can work on getting term limits in City government AND other issues such as health care with a public option in national government.
Plus, issues that get people involved and inspired build infrastructure all by themselves.
Indeed, a more participatory City government would be a great asset to building a progressive infrastructure in Philly. More people would run. More people would get elected. More people would feel empowered and inspired enough to participate in their community.
The end result would be a more activist-friendly Philly.
No one told the LGBT community that the longterm political narrative of the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s was reactionary and conservative, so they shouldn't expect to make political gains during those years. Instead they kept working, making gains despite overall political trends, and so the first legal gay marriages happened while George W. Bush was president.
You can't orchestrate social movements in the way you're suggesting, Marc, and that's probably a good thing.
Coucilmen Goode and Green are pitching their term limit bill now, and I say go for it.
Term Limits Make Sense If The Goal Is To Limit Government
Term limits make sense if the goal is to limit and dumb down government. Libertarians believing in as little government as possible should support term limits. Liberals believing that government can help solve serious social problems should not. They make no sense if the goal is to tackle Philadelphia's 25% poverty rate, or to continue to structure government in a proactive way to make Philadelphia attractive to more people for residential and business decisions. You do not strengthen government to solve problems if you adopt a philosophy which seeks to discredit government.
All social movements are not equally worthwhile. The Tea Party is a social movement. The forces that call themselves Pro-Life formed a social movement. Those who opposed racial integration of any kind formed a social movement.
Those who want new ideas in government should say what new ideas they want. Those who want to cut city jobs and slash city salaries and other forms of compensation should support term limits. Those who want to get rid of city "frills" like libraries and recreation centers and children's services and privatize everything with a willing buyer should support term limits. Those who think that the services provided and the compensation paid to city workers are reasonable should oppose term limits.
Most progressive ideas cost more money than they generate, at least in the short run. (Two exceptions which I am involved in: raising the minimum wage and legalizing medical marijuana.) It is difficult to get support for ideas that cost money when revenues are going down and programs have to be cut, and that is true whether city councils are term-limited or not.
A book on term limits in municipal governments written about twenty years ago said that terms limits were adopted in high turnover city councils IN ORDER TO REDUCE TURNOVER, and were successful at that. People didn't run against incumbent council members if they knew they were going to be term-limited soon.
That seems to be the experience in Philadelphia, too, as the term-limited Mayor of Philadelphia HAS NEVER BEEN DEFEATED FOR A SECOND TERM while district attorneys, who have no term limits, have been defeated for re-election in 1965, 1973, and 1977 and almost defeated for re-election in 2005.
Philadelphia was called "corrupt and contented" by Lincoln Steffens in 1903 when it had a mayor who was limited to one term, neighborhood school boards, and a large two-House City Council, the Common Council and the Select Council. The reforms that Philadelphia has adopted since have all been in the direction of strengthening mayoral power and reducing the number of officials directly accountable to the public on the grounds that having this direct accountability was inherently corrupting. This philosophy of less public control over the government should not continue to be adopted; its limits of usefulness have long ago been reached.
Representative Cohen, you've made the point yourself
When Philadelphia City government was most rife with patronage and corruption, as in the era of Lincoln Steffens in the early decades of the twentieth century, that patronage and corruption happened largely in City Council -- which then had two houses!
More important than looking at our history, however, is to look outside our little box, to look at other cities and how the healthy ones function.
Among the ten largest cities in the U.S., eight put term limits on their City Councils. Eight out of ten is more than a trend.
The cities that resist change and shrink -- Detroit, Baltimore, and Cleveland, for example -- are the ones that don't have term limits.
The functioning cities that DON'T term limit their City Councils frequently have super-powerful mayors: Chicago and Boston, for example, both have very powerful mayors without term limits (in Chicago I believe the mayor is also the chair of the local party) and, as with any dicatatorship, you can get successful, benevolent ones like the current Daley and Mennino administrations -- but at the cost of democracy.
Rather than fight change (especicially if now is a time when it's possible), I believe the better choice for democracy in Philly is to help pass Council term limits and to get more Philadelphians involved in government in the form of more competitive Council elections.
It's Cities In California and Texas With Term Limits
It's basically cities in California and Texas, where is there warm weather, and millions of illegal immigrants, and large numbers of conservative activists and financiers, that have term limits, while outside of California and Texas cities generally do not have them.
The politics of California and Texas are unique, and they have given us Presidents Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and both George Bushes. Both have long had conservative Republican domination of the Governor's office. They are not the politics that I think Philadelphia should be seeking to emulate in the 21st Century.
How about New York City?
It's 90 miles away, has the same climate, and has had a better-functioning government since it imposed term limits on its City Council.
More importantly, the question is whether right now Philadelphia democracy will yield a more progressive City Council, if we limit Council members to three terms.
Such a limit will not yield a Republican City Council.
As I'm sure you know, Representative Cohen, many cities vote large Democratic majorities onto their councils even wwhen the members have term limits.
They just vote in a lot more new ones.
NY Term Limits Produced By Conservative Financier Ron Lauder
New York term limits were produced by Conservative Republican financier Ron Lauder, who spent well in excess of $10,000,000 of his own money to push the referendum past the voters.
The referendum called for a two-term limit for Mayor and City Council. In 2009, however, Mayor Bloomberg and the New York City Council decided they wanted a third term. Mayor Bloomerg and Lauder had a heart-to-heart, billionaire to billionaire, chat about the issue, and Lauder announced he would not oppose a charter change amendment FOR 2009 ALONE that would allow the Mayor and City Council members a third consecutive term.
Time will tell what Lauder's response will be if Bloomberg and the City Council decide they want a 4th term in 2013.
Somehow, I just don't think this is the way government is supposed to work. It is hard for me to see, for instance, any request of Lauder that was not absolutely outrageous being denied by the Mayor and the City Council. Giving already powerful billionaires even more power is hardly a progressive reform.
Good government policy is not a matter of personalities
Sure, the good government Democrats and Working Families candidates who supported term limits made strange bedfellows with Lauder (support of term limits has long been the official position of the progressive Working Families Party), but that's only because they all happened to be brought together by their opposition to patronage and corruption.
Why do you think NYC's government is better since term limits?
Just asking. I have no idea. I used to follow NYC politics closely but haven't in a while.
The political science literature I've seen has not pointed to an major consequences of term limits anywhere, except to the strengthening of Mayors and Governors.
Is NYC better off since 1988 and 1993?
Gee, I'll have to think about that.
I'd add that 16 years after passing term limits in 1993
The progressive NYC Working Families Party was still strongly in favor of them last year.
Come on, Sam
In what respects is the government of New York York city better than before term limits? And in what respect is that due to term limits?
Those are really serious questions and deserve more than a snarky answer that points to good things happening in NYC that probably have a lot more to do with the state of the world economy than New York's government (and that may be in the process of being reversed, again due to the state of the world economy.)
The Mayor may be a bit more powerful which has enabled Bloomberg to do some good things and some bad things. But the Mayor of New York was always powerful and a much more substantial change than term limits which strengthened the Mayor was the end of the Board of Estimate. Many other changes occurred as well including a parade of convictions for some of the party leaders.
And, just our of curiousity, while you are opining about NYC's government, can you name, without looking it up in Wikipedia, the members of the Board of Estimate and tell me how many votes each of them had?
It's snarky to pretend NYC's progress isn't apparent
Philadelphians rate crime as their #1 concern.
NYC's crime rate has gone down markedly faster and more consistently since term limits and public financing than has many cities', Philly's included.
More importantly, its schools and economic opportunities have improved.
Marc, if you want to argue NYC politics with the Working Families Party, go ahead.
But I think NYC's public financing and term limits have worked together, and have worked to give New York the improved city it has today.
Are you suggesting that more competitive elections won't help?
Specifically, are you really suggesting that more competitive elections, more consistent turnover in city government, would NOT be empowering to a City that has long felt cynicism toward its elected officials?
Do you really think that the opportunity to have every single seat in City Council open in the near future would not motivate a lot more Philadelphians to get involved City politics?
Do you really think that such an opened government process would not help us get more Philadelphians involved with politics, and thus more active?
Are you suggesting more competitive elections won't mean more activism and activists?
Do you question whether term limits would pass if they were on the ballot?
Of course competitive elections would help
And I don't know why you are directing this to me because I switched on term limits form opposition to more or less supporting them before you did.
However, I still think you are vastly overestimating the impact of term limits on making elections competitive.
If term limited council members are replaced by their kids or sisters or cousins or other members of their faction or by people bought and paid for by business people, that doesn't create real democracy.
Public financing is a far, far more effective means of creating competition in our elections. Movement building is a more effective, if long term, means of creating competition. Public financing will make movement building more effective.
Term limits are marginally beneficial. Given the animus againt politicians, they will probably win in a referendum and I'd probably vote for them. But lots of marginally useful ideas, not to mention lots of bad ideas, are endorsed in referenda.
If you want to start a crusade about them, Sam, go ahead. I'm not getting on that particular bus. I've got list of 423 issues / causes that are far more important to this city, state and country. And I don't see how you get the votes you need in council to pass them. So, for me, this is just a distraction.
I'm glad you now support term limits, Marc
However marginal you may imagine are the benefits of improving the City's democracy and having turnover of every single Council seat in the near future -- yeesh, such cynicism regarding the voting public for someone of the left -- you'll pardon me if I say I think it would've been better to have just said two days ago you support them but prefer to work on other things.
I mean, I support public financing too. It's just that Councilman Goode's bill at the top of this endless thread is for term limits, and it has the support of Councilman Green.
How many votes do you think we have for public financing, and how do you think the mayor will fall on it?
Should we start electing Republican Mayors, Sam?
Yes New York City is in better shape and is better governed than Philadelphia.
But to jump from that to the notion that it is due to term limits is totally unwarranted especially since (1) you haven’t even identified a causal mechanism by which term limits had such a good effect and (2) there were many other things that changed in New York politics. far more important and striking than term limits.
One is that NYC has had Republican Mayors since terms limits went into effect. No one who knows anything about politics would say that terms limits have nearly the effect on the political life of a city that a Mayor does, especially in a strong Mayor city like NY.
So it would make far more sense to say that Republicans Mayors are what turned NYC around. After all, the crime rate dropped the most during Giuliani's first few years in office long before anyone was term limited out of office.
Are you going to start calling for Republican Mayor's Sam?
Similarly, NYC's government underwent a major transformation, with the elimination of the Board of Estimate when Giuliani became Mayor. To some extent, the elimination of the B of E reduced the power of the party bosses that lead to a lot of waste, fraud and abuse. That was a far bigger change than term limits and it occurred before they went into effect as well.
Now I would not argue that either Republican Mayors or the elimination of the Board of Estimate dramatically changed NYC's government. Giuliani and Bloomberg have done some good things but not because they were carrying out Republican ideas. And while I would argue that eliminating the Board of Estimate was a helpful reform, I wouldn't claim it's solely responsible for the city being a better place to live now.
But if you are going rest your argument on mere correlation, then the are far more important than term limits, especially since you've not identified what we political scientists call a "causal mechanism" that links term limits to any particular changes in public policy.
NYC is a better place to live mostly because of global economic changes and partly because of longer term changes its government that have little to do with any of these structural reforms and more to do with changes in the Democratic party and in the role that labor has played in the city and to some extent due to the rise of the Working Families Party.
And, by the way, I've known Danny Cantor for thirty years and followed his work closely. His Working Families party may support term limits but if he said that they were a major positive effect on NYC's government I’ve never seen it.
Frankly, Marc, the best
Frankly, Marc, the best thing which could happen to the Philadelphia Democratic Party- and, by extension, to Philadelphia itself- would be for the GOP to actually win a major election or two. After all, a two party system only works if both parties are serious about competing; clearly, Philadelphia's GOP is not.
The kind of GOP candidate who could win in Philly would, of necessity, be much more akin to Sam Katz or- yes- Mike Bloomburg- ex-Dems each- than the more typical national GOP member. But, right now, the Philly GOP seems content to settle for a City Council seat or two in the far Northeast, an at-large seat, and whatever crumbs the Democratic Party throws them. That's a sure-fire formula for corruption in the Dems.
Bear in mind, I'm hardly conservative, and I've never voted for a Republican in my life. But the Philly Democratic Party is as much a corrupt machine today as the Philly Republican Party was prior to (fellow CHA alum) Joe Clark's election as Mayor in 1952.
-Z
The easy way or the hard way
Philly still needs reform.
We need to clean up L & I, we need to bring in efficiency experts and review every service and office of City government and eliminate patronage and waste.
The easy way to do this is to elect Good Government Democrats who will do what's right with the people's money because it's the right thing to do.
Election reforms, such as term limits and public financing, can help elect more independent Democrats who are committed to good government.
The hard way is what Adam describes.
I did not vote for Sam Katz, but my decision in 1999 was the longest, most agonizingly researched vote I've ever cast. (It finally turned on Katz's testimony before the Pennsylvania Economy League in which he admitted favoring turning the entire school district over to the five largest of the then-faddish national charter school franchises; by the time of the next election, four of the five national charters had gone out of business).
I'm not supporting any Republicans any time soon, but if Democrats don't get their act together in Philly, a Republican -- or more likely a Republican/Independent -- could end up winning a general election.
Perhaps I described the
Perhaps I described the 'hard way.' But, sad to say, it seems very unlikely that the kind of necessary reforms will come purely from within the Democratic Party.
-Z
Zorro, That Analogy Fails
Philadelphia today is nowhere near the cesspool of corruption that it was under Republican Mayor Barney Samuel, when houses of prostitution and numerous illegal clubs operated openly with close ties to city officials, when magistrates commonly accepted bribes for acquittals, when police were routinely paid off, when the vast majority of city jobs were patronage workers held much more to standards of political performance in their election divions than on the job performance standards.
City Council corruption was so endemic that the Republican Party itself purged virtually every incumbent City Council member in 1951 in order to take away the issue of City Council corruption.
Anyone who wants to know how bad Philadelphia corruption was under Republican Mayor Barney Samuel should go down to the main library and read the columns by Richardson Dilworth in the Sunday Inquirer beginning after he lost the mayoralty in November, 1947. He documents corruption in excruciating detail, with names and neighborhoods and city ties.
Right now, the key scandal in Pennsylvania is Bonusgate, which is conspicuous for a key fact: not a single Philadelphia Democrat is involved in it in any way.
Rick Mariano is the only City Councilman to be convicted of a crime in nearly a generation; Vince Fumo was the only Philadelphia state senator to be convicted of a crime since 1977. No Philadelphia House Democratic member has been convicted of a crime since the early 1980's, while Republican John Perzel now is under indictment.
Philadelphia's city jobs are overwhelmingly civil service, and that contrasts with the situation in most areas of the state, including the Philadelphia suburbs, where patronage still rules the vast majority of the time, with civil service generally limited to those areas where the federal government requires it.
Philadelphia is a much better, much different city than it was when Joseph Clark, for whom I worked as an intern in 1968, was elected Mayor in 1951. Michael Nutter is not Barney Samuel, and any corruption that exists generally is limited, hidden, and personalized. The era of open, institutionalized corruption has long since been over.
Don't worry/Be happy was a Republican's theme song, Rep Cohen
Just because the patronage system is not at its absolute worst now does not mean we should stop working to reform government and make it work more efficiently and more free of patronage.
As the wisest governmental reformers know, the time to abandon reform is never.
The urge to preserve the status quo is in the nature of elected government.
Thus, periodically, all governments need to go through a period of reform.
Other governments have had to go through a change in party rule to get such reform. Philly has no competitive second party on a citywide level.
So we need something else. Term limits and public financing offer hope.
We should embrace them.
Another option is, of
Another option is, of course, for the party competing w/the Philadelphia Democratic Party to do so from the left. The problem is, I don't see the Green Party emerging as a city-wide force any more than I do the Meehan family demanding more than crumbs for the GOP.
-Z
Nothing grows a movement like success
If the Greens won a seat on City Council, they'd be more viable city-wide.
If Good Government Democrats defeated a few machine Democrats, Good Government would be a stronger movement.
More competitive elections will help.
Few Posts Here Are To The Left of the Democratic Party
Few posts here are to the left of the Democratic Party.
Many posts here are to the right of the Democratic Party.
Change here, most of the time, seems to be going in the direction of cutting taxes,firing city employees, ousting Democrats from office, and declaring that one has thus achieved reform.
I knew Joe Clark and Richardson Dilworth, the leaders of the 1950's reform movement. I talked to them at great length over the years and carefully read what they had to say. The reform sentiment of change for the sake of change was not what they stood for. They stood for structural reforms such as civil rights and civil service and city planning and unionization of city employees. They also understood--Clark especially--what the differences were between the Democratic and Republican Parties, and why the goals of the labor movement were important. They both saw a key role for people committed to the goals of the Democratic Party in government.
There is an overwhelming Democratic majority in the City of Philadelphia, and an overwhelming majority of progressive voters within the city's Democratic Party. The politics of those who see reform as being fundamentally Democratic Party bashing are not the politics that will get us further progressive change in the City of Philadelphia.
Supporting patronage is not progressive, Rep. Cohen
Calling the patronage system left-wing is like calling the old USSR left wing.
Supporting healthy democracy is a left wing value.
Preserving the status quo and resisting change and reform will always be intrinsically conservative.
Fighting the patronage system is good progressive politics because it's good politics and good government.
People on the left who defend the patronage system weaken not only the left, by making us vulnerable to fair criticism by the right, but weaken the Democratic Party by letting Good Government be a Republican issue.
By the way, those who post here supporting raising taxes on rich people, free college, free med school, universal health care, and a strong Consumer Financial Protection Agency, as I have in just the last week, don't deserve to be ridiculed as right wing just because we want cleaner government.
It's those who fear more competitive elections, and who thus fear more democracy, who have the explaining to do.
You Are Attributing To Me Things I Have Not Said
The patronage system is not left wing. But the fact is that a far lower percentage of all the governmental jobs in Philadelphia are patronage jobs than just about anywhere else in the state. Each of the suburban counties has a far higher percentage of patronage jobs than Philadelphia does. Joe Hoeffel is quite proud that he has helped good Democrats replace Republicans in various Montgomery County positions. There is nothing inherently wrong with some positions being filled at the discretion of Joe Hoeffel, Michael Nutter, Barack Obama, Ed Rendell, members of City Council, or elected judges; people can be defeated for re-election if they hire turkeys. The overwhelming majority of all city jobs in Philadelphia are filled by the civil service system, and that is not something that can accurately said about the suburban counties.
Selectively bashing Philadelphia for having some patronage jobs, while numerous other places have a much higher percentage of patronage jobs, is just demonstrating, deliberately or not, an anti-Democratic and anti-government bias.
Nobody is being attacked as being in essence right wing. But it is safe to say that many of the posts here are to the right of the Philadelphia Democratic party. As one who has won election in recent years as a delegate for both Howard Dean (weeks after he stopped campaigning) and Barack Obama, and who supported the anti-Iraq War referendum which won with over 70%, I wish that more people here would understand that the Philadelphia Democratic Party of the 21st Century is not the party of Frank Rizzo, and is not the party of mugwumps--people who see no real difference between the parties and just want government to run like an efficient business.
The Philadelphia Democratic Party today is the party that supports health care reform, and the vast majority of the Obama program, with dissent being disproportionately over the slowness of progress in disengaging from Iraq and Afghanistan. It is not a party of government bashers or union bashers; indeed federal civil servants, who have more political rights than state and local civil servants, are active leaders of Philly for Change and various ward committees. Democratic City Chairman Bob Brady is not some terrible troglodyte; he is one of the most progressive members of Congress by numerous measurements.
The key reform pushed both Howard Dean and Barack Obama was increased public involvement. They did not get the public involved by pushing Congressional term limits or bashing federal employees; they did it by proposing new policies. The public does not need structural changes to get involved; it needs causes they agree with and care deeply about to get involved. People can bash the Democratic Party and city employees and elected officials here for as many years or decades or generations as they want to, but elections in the forseeable future are going to won in Philadelphia by candidates who understand the powers and the limitations of government, and are able to articulate reasonable plans and strategies to use it to improve people's lives.
People oppose incumbents because they disagree with them. The fact that many incumbents run unopposed, and the fact that is difficult to get workers or contributors to campaign against incumbents, indicates that there is widespread agreement with the policies of the incumbents. Those who want to dispute that point should be prepared to demonstrate how they can better do the job where they are critical of a given incumbent. It is not enough to invoke the mantra of "reform;" workers compensation reform means cutting workers compensation benefits; unemployment compensation reform means cutting unemployment compensation benefits; education reform means--along with some good points--fighting unionization and employment rights of teachers and principals.
All change and all "reform" is not equally good, and many changes and many "reforms" merely consist of reverting back to the status quo that existed before Democrats came to power in various areas.
Some friendly advice, Rep. Cohen
Stick to arguing for the "new policies" you rightly attribute to Howard Dean and the president, and to the beneficial effect they had in bringing new people into the political system.
You've written such good new policy yourself in your recent bill to legalize medical marijuana.
But my advice is to abandon the argument that things can't be fruitfully improved regarding eliminating patronage and waste in Philadelphia's City government.
Any Democrat who argues that Democrats shouldn't preach good government is helping the Republicans, whether he knows it or not.
Newt Gingrich's Version of Good Government Is Not Mine
The term limits pledge was a key part of Newt Gingrich's Contract With America. It was never enacted, and never came close to being enacted either in Congress or the vast majority of Republican controlled jurisdictions, or the vast majority Democratic controlled jurisdiction either for that matter.
"Good government" is not a set of agreed to truisms that cross ideological and partisan lines. Nor is "waste" and "patronage" capable of universal agreement. Is Camille Barnett, the managing director, a patronage employee? She never passed a civil service test. Is deputy managing director Don Schwartz a patronage employee? He never passed a civil service test either.
Who are the patronage employees? Are they those who have served as Democratic committeeperson? If so, would Marc Stier be a patronage employee if Mayor Nutter gave him or her a job without a civil service test? Would any Democratic Party activist in Philly for Change or the Obama campaign be a patronage employee if Mayor Nutter gave him or her a job without a civil service test? Should we require that all jobs have civil service tests? I know of no one who has advocated such a thing, but maybe you would like to be the first to do so.
Similarly, where is the waste? Is police overtime waste, or is it a wise business practice that saves a lot of money on health care benefits? Are defined benefits pensions waste, or are they necessary tools of economic security? Are public employees who haul trash waste as people who can easily have their jobs privatized at much lower salaries without any union protections?
People can't understand principles unless one talks about how they affect real people living real lives.
And we all have to recognize that principles do not have universal meaning. They mean different things to different people at different times and therefore are difficult to rally people around or implement. To build trust and support, people not only have to say what their principles are but what they mean in real life terms.
Mark, do you really believe this?
I think you make some interesting arguments - but this argument is just a bit tough to take:
"Widespread agreement?" Don't most polls show high levels of dissatisfaction with how well Philly's elected officials represent their constituents? Is it really possible that you don't agree that the power of the Philly Dem machine presents a huge obstacle to new candidates? Is it possible that you really don't believe that Councilmembers use "constituent services" to mitigate against dissatisfaction with their policies?
City Council members and other Philly politicians often take policy positions that are in direct opposition to the proven sentiment of their constituents (for example, the Council members, Congressmen, State Reps, etc., that tried to overturn statutes that limit campaign finance limitations). They can do so because they can rely on the perks of incumbency to hold on to power despite unpopular policy stances. Often Councilmembers don't even bother to take the time to educate constituents on policies and assess constituent sentiment; they don't need to find out what their constituents think about various policies because they can get reelected by relying on the power of the Dem machine.
A general lack of political involvement is not exclusively the responsibility of sitting politicians, but it certainly is reflective of (1) dissatisfaction with the quality of their work, and (2) their failure to actively reach out to energize their constituents.
Progressive Political Involvement Peaked With Frank Rizzo
I wish it was true that people would likely be engaged out of enthusiasm for positive change. But there are so many good causes in Philadelphia--which the Inquirer reported as the national leader in percent of the workforce employed in non-profit organizations--that when people are satisfied with their local elected officials, they have a huge number of constructive alternatives to finding ways to demonstrate support for an incumbent who is clearly running unopposed or without serious opposition. People's lives simply do not revolve around elected officials--nor should they.
By the time of the Frank Rizzo's attempt to change the charter to allow himself a third term as Mayor, just about every election division in the city had an alternative campaign organization. People weren't just opposed to Mayor Rizzo; THEY WERE PASSIONATELY ENGAGED IN THE OPPOSITION. The fact that Rizzo likely had by far the largest patronage operation in terms of total number of employees of any mayor in Philadelphia history (the federal CETA program enabled him to hire somewhere on the order of 10,000 people without civil service tests) did him little political good, as his lack of relevant solutions to Philadelphia's ailing economy and his endless belligerence and insular paranoid fears of airplanes, intellectuals,national Democrats, students, blacks, protestors, political opponents, liberals, neighborhood activists, politicians who predated him, and others aroused powerful negative emotions in just about every neighborhood of Philadelphia.
Since the Rizzo Administration, Philadelphia has had a series of generally progressive mayors who have operated within the bounds of rationality and respect for the diversity of Philadelphia. The Philadelphia mayors have all been hurt by the debilitating culture of sycophancy that surrounds the mayor's office and prevents mayoral decision-making from being fully vetted before being presented to the public,and prevents all too many "leaders" from any mayoral evaluation other than ecstatic praise and genuflection, but they have all shown an ability to rebound from whatever mistakes they have made without getting bogged down in endless conflicts. The evolution of politics from bare-knuckled battles to "control" election divisions to a battle to raise large campaign contributions to buy television ads has probably contributed to lessening community conflict with the mayor's office as well.
Anyone who wants to get more involved with any elected official should feel to free to engage with him or her. This engagement can take an endless number of forms, from invitations to speak at meetings, to invitations to serve on boards, to request for help in getting grants, to requests for other constituent services, to volunteering campaign help of one form or another.
Never in my lifetime have elected officials called as many meetings to interact with the public as they do today. Elected officials are continuously engaging in outreach: this thread, for instance, was started by Councilman Wilson Goode.
It is simply not true that political machines today have vast power that is independent of public sentiment. Philadelphia polls pretty accurately called the 2007 Philadelphia mayoral primary and general election: Michael Nutter won decisively with the weakest election day presence of any successful mayoral candidate in any living person's lifetime. Each of his primary rivals had a far larger election day presence than he did, as did many unsuccessful mayoral candidates in the past. Philadelphia in 2010 is simply not the same as Philadelphia in 1990, 1970, 1950, or 1930, and all of us should face that fact.
An example, Mark
building off of Dan's post last week - don't you think that Verna's lack of connection with significant chunks of her constituency reflects (1) a lack of proactive engagement, and (2) the ability to continually get elected - despite active engagement with much of her constituency - by virtue of her ability rely on a political machine?
Again, I'm not saying that a lack of civic engagement is solely the "fault" of politicians, but nor do I do think that a lack of civic engagement equates to satisfaction with how we are being represented by elected officials. Yes, at the extreme levels - like when we had a complete reactionary vying for more power - anger about policies trumps the political power of "constituent services," --- but I do find a smidgen of wiggle room between saying that today's Philly pols aren't racist fascists, and saying that people are satisfied with the policies of today's Philly pols.
FWIW: I find components of your argument compelling - but I think that your overall argument lacks a sense of balance.
The Last Time I Saw Anna Verna At A Community Event
The last time I saw Anna Verna at a community event was at a fundraiser for Kenyatta Johnson after his upset landslide victory over Harold James for state representative. It was not particularly well attended, because Johnson's general election victory was assured. She talked warmly to me, and to the other people there. She had not backed Johnson, but she was making clear that she saw him and his supporters as friends who were welcome to contact her at any time.
This is not the way old guard politicians used to behave. In the days in which they felt drunk with power, they tried to make life very difficult for insurgents. Today, the simple truth that the same voters who back incumbents at some times back challengers at other times is widely recognized. The voters have a lot of power, and they use it in the way that seems to make the most sense to them at election time. Elected officials recognize that and accept it as normal.
Successful civic engagement depends in part on meaningful communication taking place. Politicians ought to be able to intelligently about what they are doing, and voters ought to be able to talk intelligently about what they would like to have done. Everyone has to realize that the constraints of voters and elected officials are linked together: because voters do not have unlimited ability to pay taxes, for instance, elected officials do not have unlimited ability to establish new programs. The widespread poverty and underemployment in Philadelphia is a major constraint as well as a major problem that urgently needs solutions.
Give or take the BRT
And, of course, the real problem with Philly politics is not what's illegal. It's whats legal.
The Casinos, for example, have been forced upon us through legal procedures that, however, have thwarted the will of the people, especially but not only in the neighborhoods that surround them.
Better elections are a benefit all by themselves
And with so many bad things to fight, why waste so much effort arguing against something you think might help?
I haven't been arguing against term limits
I've been arguing against your over the top claim that term limits made New York a better place to live.
You don't build an issue campaign or a movement by overselling stuff. Save that for candidate campaigns. Standards are much lower there.
Ho ho ho
We're NOT starting the garbage where you attack me personally, and then I quote you ad nauseum to prove you said the (stuff) that you later claim you didn't say.
Has been known to bore people a wee bit, I've heard.
Let me just mea culpa:
I started on this thread being against term limits and changed my mind after I researched them.
If you have anything to say about making somewhat conflicting statements about NYC and your support of term limits, well, that's between you and the folks out there in internet-land.
I'll accept your advice about always strictly telling the truth when you're arguing policy with a grain of salt the size of which I'll keep to myself.
Good night!
Wow, you suddenly noticed NYC's progress? Busy 2 days!
I agree with you.
The other reform -- a third reform -- aided NYC's rapid turnaround, the elimination of the Board of Estimates. While I've interviewed (for a friend's PlanPhilly article) a progressive real estate activist in NYC who had mixed feelings about how things run now, since their City Council took over most the old Board's duties -- she literally was asking how things run in Philly, looking for alternate ideas -- I certainly agree it helped.
That's what smart City governments do -- they put in place a combination of elements that allows them to maximize growth during good economic times.
But part of what helped too were the election reforms of 1988 and 1993.
They opened up elections and brought City government back on the radar for many citizens who harbored a similar cynicism that too many Philadelphians feel today toward City government.
But you haven't answered my question:
Do you really think more competitive elections won't help Philly?
Working Families Party Wanted To Get Rid of Bloomberg
The Working Families Party, largely funded by New York's United Federation of Teachers, very much wanted to get rid of Mayor Michael Bloomberg and some of his Democratic allies in the New York City Council. So they pounded Bloomberg and the people they wanted to get rid of for supporting an extension of term limits from two terms to three terms.
Their actions were hardly an enthusiastic endorsement of New York's performance under term limits. It was because they were highly critical of New York's term limited government that they wanted to keep term limits for Mayor and City Council members limited to two terms.
In 1978, when Philadelphia's racially polarizing incumbent Mayor Frank Rizzo sought to amend the Charter so he could seek a third term, many people inccluding myself, worked very hard to secure a "no" vote on charter change. Charter change lost 2 to 1, and Rizzo was unable to run in 1979. He would go on to lose comeback bids in 1983 (in the Democratic Primary) and in 1987 (as the Republican nominee), and would be the Republican nominee for the second time when he died in 1991.
The vote against Charter Change in 1978 was a vote against Rizzo, just as the Working Families Party was opposing Bloomberg.
Philadelphia Democrats showed they could oust incumbents without having term limits in 1979, when John Anderson, Augusta Clark, and David Cohen defeated incumbent Councilmen at Large Jack Kelly, Charles Murray, and Earl Vann. That year Brian O'Neill defeated two term Councilman Mel Greenberg, and John Street, Joan Specter and Joan Krajewski won open Council seats. Because of the Abscam probe--initiated in part because of the appearance of widespread city corruption in the Rizzo era--Council members George Schwartz, Harry Jannotti, and Lou Johanson would soon be replaced by Ann Land, Patricia Hughes, and John White, giving City Council ten new members of of 17 in a short period of time. Jim Tayoun's resignation to run for Congress in early 1984, and Al Pearlman's death of suicide in the face of incurable cancer in June, 1984, made it 12 new members out of 17 in less than five years.
The first time my father was elected to City Council, as a district councilman in 1967, he was part of a freshman majority caused by the defeats of incumbents and open seats. Incumbents defeated in 1967 included Henry Carr (a district councilman from Olney running for Councilman at Large), Tommy Giordano (a district Councilman from South Philadelphia), Frank Thiemann (a district councilman and former city controller from the lower Northeast) and incumbent Councilwoman at Large Mary Varallo. Councilman at Large Marshall Shepherd had died, and Councilmen at Large Walter Pytko and Leon Kalankiewicz retired. Winners of open seats included district councilmembers William Cibotti (Anna Verna's father), Charles Durham of West Philadelphia), Isadore Bellis of East Oak Lane, who had previously represented Northwest Philadelphia, and David Cohen from Northwest Philadelphia.
That 1967 City Council was nowhere near as progressive as was the City Council elected from 1979 through 2003. Newness in office did not translate into newness of ideas.
Hello? Is this thing on?
Gentlemen, a question is before us.
Do you really think more competitive elections won't help?
If not, why not?
It Matters Who Is Competing and Who Is Financing
Richard Nixon won a very competitive election for President in 1968.
Jimmy Carter won a very competitive election for President in 1976.
George Bush won--by a 5 to 4 Supreme Court decision--a very competitive election for President in 2000.
Narrow election victories do not guarantee superior performance in office.
James Tate won a narrow victory for Mayor over Arlen Specter in 1967 and had a terrible final term. John Street won a narrow victory for Mayor in 1999 and did well enough to win decisively in 2003, but not well enough to inspire lasting enthusiasm.
Joseph Clark, Richardson Dilworth, and Ed Rendell were the most popular mayors Philadelphia has had over the last sixty years, and they all won landslide victories.
The vast majority of the current city council people have had close elections in their past, and they are the target of the term limit effort.
Let's talk policy NOT personalities. Competition = Democracy.
More competitive City Council elections will bring City government closer to the people because more people will run and more people will be energized, excited and interested in City government, a City government that can be accessed by knocking on the doors of fellow citizens instead of by delivering an envelope to a ward leader's back room.
That's largely what brought about my decision to support term limits: the great good that more competitive elections would bring, not just to City government, by shining a light on offices that have long been firmly held through the patronage system, but to the activist community as well, by making City government more accessible, thus energizing more people to participate and care about City government.
The American pragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty used to say that when you have a problem in a democracy the best solution is...more democracy.
The ease with which City Council seats can become "safe" through the patronage system is a problem. Term limits are a solution that will bring about more and better democracy, as will public financing.
I don't believe term limits are always appropriate to every governmental body. I think, like many of the best and smartest governmental solutions, they're best used situationally.
But right now, Philly needs less cynicism and more competition in its elections.
Like public financing, term limits are a way to help achieve that.
Competition Takes Candidates and Supporters
Competition takes candidates and supporters.
There are very few people willing to run for office in Philadelphia, and very few people willing to support those who run with time or money, and very few people willing to act in a coordinated manor with others on the basis of shared progressive goals.
Those are the essential problems for the progressive community, and having more frequent open seats does not solve them.
Red herring: "there are very few people willing to run"
Representative Cohen, if the elections were more competitive, do you think more people would run?
our city isn't successful
Boston is in the toilet due to a mayor who wants to serve till he dies...
or should I say serve himself and his minions...
schools in the toilet, municipal services what's that? no contract w/the fire department and the teachers union.
Term limits without public financing
will just mean that Council is filled with different wholly owned tools of the business elites, and a few members elected because of their family names.
Term limits and public financing go perfect together
New York City got them around the same time in 1988 and 1993.
One electoral shake up logically aids the other. A Council that results from the electoral reform of either term limits or public financing is more likely to support the other reform than is an entrenched Council.
I definitely support public financing. If a bill for public financing has a shot in City Hall this year, I'm for it.
Post Deleted
Post Deleted
But So Far No City Council Member Has Supported Public Financing
But so far no member of city council has supported public financing. Nor does the Committee of Seventy or any other organization yet support public financing.
New York gives a ten to one match for qualified campaign contributions from city governmental funds. What do people think should be adopted here? What should the ceiling be for matching funds for contributions?
Neither term limits nor public financing need wait for the other
If we limited Philadelphia City Council to three consecutive terms tomorrow, what would happen?
Anna Verna, Frank DiCicco, Jannie Blackwell, Darell Clarke, Joan Krajewski, Donna Miller, Marian Tasco, Brian O'Neill, Wilson Goode, Jim Kenney, Blondell Reynolds Brown, and Frank Rizzo would not be allowed to run for reelection next year.
If none of those Councilmembers is actively working for public financing now, can the Council that would result from term limits make public financing even less likely?
Can you get fewer votes than zero?
Or would a new City Council, one that arrived on the heels of election reform, be more likely to support public financing?
I think it would.
The Proposal Is Three Terms After It Is Adopted
The Goode-Green proposal is effective three terms after it is adopted. So, if the proposal is immediately adopted, no current member of City Council would be forced out of office until 2023 at the earliest, by which time mortality tables would indicate that some of the above might well be deceased and past experience would indicate that some of the above would likely retire or be defeated. The Goode-Green proposal also allows City Council to suspend the term limits at any time it chooses, just as New York did. So the earliest we have a quasi-promise of a current incumbent free City Council that might be more receptive to public financing is 2023. Of course, only two members of City Council currently back this bill, likely moving the effective dates far back in time if anything is ever enacted.
If we have an urgent crisis requiring immediate action, current members of City Council ought not to run NOW. Making a judgement that City Council members elected in 2023 should not be allowed to run beyond 2035--unless City Council chooses otherwise before either the 2023 or 2035 cutoffs- presupposes a detailed knowledge of the future that not even the brightest and most public spirited members of City Council possess. It also has nothing whatever to do with the urgent problems Philadelphians face TODAY on a daily basis.
If people really want public financing, they ought to be demanding it NOW. Playing around with a loophole-filled term limits propoal more worthy of Wasilla, Alaska than a city which gave Barack Obama a nearly 500,000 vote margin is silly and futile.
I think you are reading a lot more into my post than I meant to
say.
The point is very simple: we need to massively increase activism in this city and direct it towards fixing our broken politics.
That won't happen over night. Whether it happens depends largely on events outside our control...such as a Mayor making a boneheaded decision to eliminate 11 libraries.
But to some extent it is more likely to happen if activists organize institutions that can (1) has mobilized activists around the city ready to lead and work with emergent leaders; (2) has a long term analysis of what's wrong with the city that helps explain the particular circumstances that creates the potential for activism; (3) has a program for change.
I'm not suggesting we not do anything else why we are waiting for a broader movement to arise. We should, of course, be engaging on a variety of issues.
I'm must suggesting that term limits is a massive distraction, not only form long term organizing but from the immediate issues before us. We've got a budget crisis. We've still got the freaking casinos. We've got a head educator who is problematic in a variety of ways.
And coming down the highway is a zoning "reform." The odds of it being a real progressive reform are, as I've been saying for two years, slim and none. (I hope I'm wrong about that.)
Dealing with all of these issues is far more important than term limits.
There is no movement for term limits. There are no activists demanding it. There are five or eight people talking about it here. Trying to create activism around this issue when are other things more important in both the short and long term strikes me as a huge waste of time.
Put term limits on the ballot and listen for how many new voices
will be heard in city politics.
New people will be drawn into urban activism if there's a possibility of shaking up a long intransigent city government.
I think that's incorrect, Rep. Cohen
Unless it's been changed:
Except as Council may otherwise ordain from time to time, a councilman shall not be eligible for election for more than three successive terms, provided that a councilman who was elected to a four-year term in 2011 shall not be eligible for more than one succeeding four-year term.
"Not more than one succeeding term if elected in 2011" kicks in at the 2015 elections, meaning members couldn't run nine years from now.
Would that be a big change?
Let's put it this way: nine years ago, thirteen of the seventeen current members were on Council.
A majority (of all current Councilmembers) was there nine years before that.
If we pass the Goode-Green bill, in nine years we will have a completely different Council.
I Stand Corrected
I stand corrected on the dates. The quasi-promise of no incumbent members of City Council continuing to serve win-election takes effect in 2019, not 2023. The 2019 Council members could not be elected beyond 2031, not 2035. Thank you for the correction.
But I question the statistics about City Council members nine and eighteen years ago. Nine years ago, David Cohen, Thacher Longsteth, Rick Mariano, Michael Nutter, and Angel Ortiz were in City Council.
Eighteen years ago, City Council members included Happy Fernandez, John Street, Joe Vignola, Herb DeBeary, Dan McElhatton, and Joan Specter.
It always looks to the impatient like everybody has been there forever and will be there forever. But change steadily occurs nevertheless.
The real question for Philadelphia is not how are we going to further hobble our City Council. The real question is what we are going to do to make Philadelphia a better city. Focusing on pseduo-issues like term limits has not helped the Republican Party nationally, and will not help the Democratic Party in Philadelphia. We need real choices about real problems, and term limits for City Council members is not a real solution to a real problem.
"Focusing" is not a problem; passing up opportunity is
If Councilmen Goode and Green are offering an opportunity to pass term limits now, we should help them. Other cities thrive with them. More people will run for City government with them. More people will be elected. More people will feel empowered.
Philly will have a more active democracy, and Philly will be a better place for activism at the municipal level.
If we want public financing now (we do), and the current City Council is unwilling to pass it, term limits can get us a new Council in nine years.
Better yet, let's try to get a new Council sooner.