- 'An End to the Southern Strategy, But No Post-Racial America' says David Love
- "A Question of Place": An essay on the power of community
- Just Equally Speaking….
- Eagles owe Philadelphia the 8 million it needs to keep libraries open
- who would like to see Verizon offer cable TV in Phila?
- Council Committee Passed the Freeze
- Carol Campbell Passes Away
- My first trip to the public library
- Fight digital exclusion
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Geez, whadya know, Stan and Price were right.
I read just read an interesting article over at Slate. Seems some social scientists decided to do a comprehensive meta-analysis of research on ways to lower crime and increase levels of educational attainment.
Seems that what they found was that spending on early education programs has a great return on investment. Not only do kids grow up to be better educated and less likely to end up in prison, economic inequities are reduced and society as a whole benefits from increased "productivity" (a shout out to Fran - why I bet it even increases the number of entrepreneurs).
Oddly enough, much of what they had to say was almost verbatum what Stan and Price have posted here. The social scientists could have saved themselves a lot of time and effort if they had just become YPP readers!
Think of the debates before the mayoral election as you read this excerpt from the Slate article:
http://www.slate.com/id/2166852?nav=ais
Heckman and Masterov look at a number of pilot programs in early-childhood education that have targeted high-risk kids in disadvantaged families, and studied them into adulthood. These programs are like Head Start, only more intensive. For example, between 1962 and 1967, the Perry Project in Ypsilanti, Mich., provided two years of intensive preschool to a group of disadvantaged 3-year-old black children, chosen from an eligible pool by a coin flip. The program consisted of a daily session of two and a half hours and a weekly 90-minute teacher home visit. In today's dollars, it would cost $10,000 per child per year.
Perry participants have been followed through age 40, and the program has shown substantial benefits in educational achievement and other social outcomes. Participants achieved greater literacy and higher grades, and they were more likely to graduate high school. Later in life, they were more likely to be employed—and to earn more—and less likely to be on welfare. They also committed less crime and had lower rates of teen pregnancy.
The authors estimate the rate of return for programs like the Perry Project to be a substantial 16 percent. While some of this payback accrues directly to the kids, in the form of higher earnings when they're grown up, about three-quarters of it goes to the rest of us in the form of lower crime and savings on prison spending. Heckman and Masterov compare the return from investing in preschool kids with the returns from lower class size in high school (smaller than the return to preschool) and to GED programs (smaller still). They propose that the return on investment declines with age, although they don't offer a ton of quantitative evidence on this point.
The big economic return for intensive preschool for disadvantaged kids has two implications. First, while many people advocate spending on these kids for reasons of fairness or justice, Heckman and Masterov make a different case. They're saying this preschool spending is a sound economic investment. Each dollar we spend on targeted, intensive preschool returns more than a dollar invested in, say, a pretty good mutual fund.
Many families already make this investment on their own, either by spending time with their kids or by purchasing high-quality child care. Why involve governments? Well, Heckman and Masterov show that if your kid goes to one of these programs, the rest of us get most of the benefit. Economists assume that even if parents of disadvantaged kids are rational and forward-looking—as if they didn't have enough to worry about—they will invest in preschool only to boost their kids' earnings and not to reduce crime and prison costs, which are borne by the rest of us. As a result, even conscientious parents will under-invest. So, Economics 101 tells you—granted, in an end-of-semester lecture that you probably skipped—that clearly this is a job for government.
The hardheaded case for Perry-like preschool extends beyond higher pay and reduced crime. Unlike many efforts to boost productivity—think trickle-down—this one would reduce inequality as well, by raising the incomes of the disadvantaged. Investing in preschools can also enhance international competitiveness. Much of the growth in American standards of living over the past half-century has flowed from our population's ever-increasing educational attainment. But for the generations born since 1950, the growth has stopped. The problem is not that a college education costs too much, but rather that many disadvantaged kids aren't academically ready for college when they finish high school. And Heckman and Masterov argue that it stems from the academic deficits they bring to kindergarten. If preschool whips them into shape, they'll be better prepared for all the other steps along the way.











You imply that some people
You imply that some people opposed spending on early education programs. I don't think anyone ever expressed that on YPP.
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I support Michael Nutter for mayor in November.
No such implication
But there were a lot of debates about the relative return on various intitiatives and priorities. I'm glad that you agree that "trickle-down" benefits of early childhood education are obvious -- and accordingly, spending on early childhood education should be of the highest priority. I hope that Nutter shares your perspective.
Article Is Wrong About College Costs
Heckman and Materov and/or Slate (it's not clear who is taking this position) are wrong that the costs of college are not a problem, although they are right that lack of qualifications to attend college are a major problem.
Philadelphia is the home and neighbor of top quality world class and major regional universities. Yet, Philadelphia continues to rank extremely low in percentage of high school graduates attending college. When one realizes the lack of income of Philadelphia high school seniors--the LEAST POOR schools in Philadelphia have 39% of the students in poverty and few schools have less than half the the students in poverty--then it becomes clear that tuition costs are relevant.
At my request, a high ranking official of the State System of Higher Education is preparing a plan to establish a state university in Philadelphia. State universities charge only about 1/2 the tuition of Temple and Penn State,which are state-related universities, due to both state subsidization and a lesser degree of faculty specialization, research, and extracurricular activities. For those who cannot afford the full menu of opportunities at Temple and Penn State, or who cannot meet the increasingly rigorous admission criteria there, state universities offer a valuable opportunity which few low-income Philadelphians are now able to take advantage of.
But what about making Temple
But what about making Temple what it was really made for, working class kids? I like that my alma matter is making great strives, but it should not be made in the expense of those in which it was created.
Meaningfully Lowering Temple's Tuition Is Too Expensive
Meaninfully lowering Temple's tuition is too expensive. If we succeeded in getting enough funds to get Temple's tuition down to $12,800 next year instead of $13,100 (I am making up these figures), it would have no meaningful effect.
To lower the costs of the relatively high cost but high quality state related institutions to the point where they are financially competitive for students with the $6000 or so per year state colleges would cost billions of dollars a year.
Setting up a state university in Philadelphia and one in Pittsburgh would cost (exclusive of borrowing for capital costs) tens of millions per year instead of billions. The unquestionable superiority of Temple, Penn State, and Pittsburgh in course offerings, extracurricular activities, depth of specialization and other areas towards the state universities is irrelevant to people who absolutely cannot afford to pay or borrow the tuition, and might also not be able to meet the admission requirements to get into Temple, Penn State, and Pitt.
Getting any state money at all to benefit Philadelphia is never easy. Given the inherent difficutly of it, it seems best to focus on a program (state universities) which are widely available outside Philadelphia, but not available inside Philadelphia and not taken advantage of by more than a small number of Philadelphians.
Adjusted for inflation Pre School Matters more than EMOs.
Adjusted for inflation the ROI of investing in High Quality Learning Experineces such as the Perry Pre-School Study is $17 returned to society for every $1 invested.
Clearly the city must do more to make this program available to our citizens, but if you read my post "Tuesday May 29th," you'll see the SRC eliminated the city's highly regarded Comprehensive Early Learning Centers so they can fund EMOs. The cost for each is about the same so where should we spend the $20 million?
Both Nutter and the late Fattah campaign are right
Increasing access to early childhood education, which is Point #2 in the responsibly-scaled Nutter Education Plan, is INCREDIBLY integral to breaking people out of the cycles of poverty that lead to human misery on the one hand, and crime on the other.
Of course, both Nutter (whom I support) and Fattah (whom Stan supported) are too close to those suffering the worst misery in the city to say that working to eliminate poverty in the future is enough. To those living in areas where the threat of gun violence intrudes on trips to work, the store, the doctor, and most of all, to school, something needs to be done that will have a more immediate effect. That's why both promoted some version of stop-and-frisk, a program that certainly comes with risks, but also comes with some history of success in areas, like some places in Philly, where illegal guns are a significant part of the problem.
The guy who ran down Point Breeze Avenue to sign Damon Roberts' petition and beg Damon to do something so that he could let his 10 year old daughter walk to school every day--he said some days he had to keep her home because he knew of threats on the street--would probably be happy about increased Early Childhood Education. But he needs something else too.
No one, not even Fattah at his most provocative, would seriously suggest an either/or situation for a Philadelphia mayor, in which he must choose between EITHER funding Early Childhood Education OR employing special law-enforcement program/s to deal with our current gun violence scourge.
Today a responsible Philadelphia mayor has to do both.
The response from law enforcement doesn't necessarily need to be stop-and-frisk. It just so happens that both Fattah and Nutter proposed that as one possible solution to the immediate problem. Hopefully the new police chief that Nutter hires will come with his or her own ideas as well.
But both Nutter and Fattah know a battle needs to be waged on both the back end and the front end, both increasing Early Childhood Education everywhere and law enforcement in certain areas.
To imply an either/or choice would be remarkably irresponsible, even for someone writing on a blog.
Thanking all the valiant candidates endorsed by Philly For Change, and looking forward with INCREASED expectations (thanks to D.E's articled discovery) to the first four years of MAYOR MICHAEL A. NUTTER!
No, Sam that's not the choice
The choice remains between funding what works -- early childhood education -- and funding risky, trickle down, tax cut schemes. But I'm not going to rehash all the pre-election unpleasantness on this choice, because I'm getting ready to suspend my disbelief that Nutter will make the right choice. Like the rest of all the posters on this list, I desperately want Nutter to succeed and I'm not interested in pouring any more rain on everyone's expectations. We'll see. If Nutter actually proposes to cut taxes while putting policies that are desperately needed on hold, then I'll be back and I'll expect lots of you to be with me. If he chooses another course, I'll be happy for any of you to salt my hat in prep for me eating it.
WHy are we still discussing Nutter and Fattah
Why are we still discussing Nutter and Fattah when today the SRC is implementing a decision to go down a risky road instead of doing what we all agree works.
You guys are giving the SRC, the decision making body on this issue, a free ride.
Basically, you are going to a Phillies/Mets game and routing for Yankees.
Need to Fight for Head Start
Head Start is an amazing program that not only delivers early education opportunities but also empowers communities to be a part of the process with its parent policy councils and has been under attack by, surprise surprise, the bush administration.
i haven't followed the action blow by blow but it looks like the latest news is good news: http://www.saveheadstart.org/News/releases2.cfm?releaseID=48