Thoughts At Different Times of The Amateur Democrat

One of Marc Stier's recent blog entries deals with The Amateur Democrat, a book over 40 years old now that deals with intraparty Democratic insurgencies in the 1950's and 1960's. The Amateur Democrat was a major influence on him in forming Neighborhood Networks, he said. This statement struck a strong chord of recognition in me.

The book's author is James Q. Wilson, a young scholar when he wrote the book, who is now one of the conservative movement's venerable and thoughtful stars. Wilson's most recent major public impact has been as a promoter of the broken windows theory: that the way to fight major crime is to concentrate first on the small stuff to establish that crime will not be tolerated.

The Amateur Democrat was a major influence on me in my work as a Penn undergraduate to get The New Democratic Coalition off the ground as a Democratic reform organization from 1968 through the ward elections of 1970. Before the New Democratic Coalition, there had scattered efforts to reform individual wards, but never a broad-based effort in various wards across the city.

The Amateur Democrat certainly showed what was possible. New York and Detroit had elected a good number of reformers in Democratic primaries, and other cities had elected some.

In 1969, I taught a course as an undergraduate at The Free University at the University of Pennsylvania, and used The Amateur Democrat as a text. Like Stier more recently, I viewed the book as a series of inspiring examples as to how the Democratic Party could be reformed to take it back to its true roots and to take it away from being a party essentially based on the exchange of favors of one kind or another.

In both the Free University course and countless organization meetings that followed, I cited examples from The Amateur Democrat as to what was possible if liberal, reform-minded Democrats could get together to influence ward structures in Philadelphia and around the country. The New Democratic Coalition was a national organization, with leaders like Allard Lowenstein, Michael Harrington, and Julian Bond coupled with large numbers of grassroots folks known almost exclusively in their home areas.

But after The New Democratic Coalition ran its course in Philadelphia in 1977, and after various one-shot efforts organized by Americans for Democratic Action in the late 1970's and early to mid-1980's, based on the ward by ward model of the New Democratic Coalition, also ran their course, I reread The Amateur Democrat.

I was shocked by what I found. The case by case examples were still there. But Wilson was not acting as a cheerleader in promoting them. Wilson was a strong critic of these efforts.

He criticized the members of the reform organizations. They were not produces of scholarship; they were consumers of scholarship, he charged. As a consumer of public policy books, I did not understand the depth of his indignation on this point, but he was clearly outraged and viewed liberal political activists as intellectual inferiors.

The reform organizations could go nowhere, he said. Their members either would lose interest because their pure motivations gave them no stake in continued participation, or they would become professional politicians. What they were advocating, he warned, was an unattainable ideal of public policy that the activists would inevitably give up on.

This pessimism proved over time to have a core truth to it, although at least four of the best and most active members of Congress today--Jerry Nadler of New York City, John Conyers of Detroit, Barney Frank of suburban Boston, and Bernie Sanders of Vermont--have strong roots in the type of organizations that Wilson profiled.

One thing the reform movement of New York did prove to be was a harbringer of the dissolution of the Democratic Party at a municipal level.

The only reformer ever elected mayor there on the Democratic ticket was Ed Koch, who despite various strengths, proved over time to be a Frank Rizzo-like racial, and racially divisive, demagogue. After three terms, Koch lost the Democratic nomination to David Dinkins, New York's only black mayor. Dinkins, in turn, proved unable to exert solid leadership skills in racially divisive situations, and lost after one term to Rudy Giulani, now the public opinion poll frontrunner for the Republican Presidential nomination. With Michael Bloomberg now the Mayor, the Republicans have won four consecutive mayoral elections in an overwhelmingly Democratic city.

Perhaps Marc Stier, myself, and anyone else interested should reread The Amateur Democrat once again on the basis of what we now know and discuss it both privately with each other and on this site. As far as I know, despite the fact that the vast majority of the people profiled in it have to have to have passed away, it still remains the leading book on middle class grassroots urban reformers. One reason for this status is the flight of middle class people from cities all across America, and the consequent decline in significance they have appeared to have, thus discouraging scholars from pursuing them.

This Would Be a Useful Discussion

I've been meaning to re-read The Amateur Democrat as it has been about thirty years since I read it. I think I read it the summer before I started graduate school. I knew Wilson fairly well at Harvard. Although I never took a course with him, we talked now and again about public policy and politics. My recollection is that the book was a critique of the purism of the new Democrats, and an argument about the limits of ideology, as opposed to self-interest, in motivating people to take part in politics.

I recall once pointing out to Professor Wilson that while the Democratic reform impulse had seemed to run its course in the late 1970s, the Republican reform impulse was just taking off in the radical right. Wilson, who is a Burkean conservative--which means that he has cautiously liberal impulses--acknowledged the comparison but didn't seem particularly happy with the prospect of amateur Republicans motivated by religoius impulses. (And prhaps it is the religous fervor among the Republican purists that has kept them going longer than than the Democratic purists.

My tentative thoughts about Wilson's argument is that we can keep people involved in reform politics if we can find a way to institutionalize it, so that people can find some way to stay involved without giving over thiry hours a week to the effort. (This is a point Ray Murphy often makes and he is quite right about it.)

Obviously, there is much more to be said about this and it would be fun to get a group of people together to discuss the book. If there is some interest, as soonas I figure out my summer schedule, I'll propose a time when folks can come over to my house for a potluck and discussion.

By the way, I to take exception to Mark Cohen's characterization of Ed Koch. He caught hell from progressive whites and many blacks in New York for a number of things he did. But that was a much a product of some of the weirdnes of New York racial politics and Koch's own inability to be politic as it was a product of his policies. Koch made enemies by, among other thigns, going after the African American (and white) CDCs that he thought were more useful to the politicians who provided them funds than to the people they were supposed to serve. But he supported, in their stead, community based CDCs that, whith his support, accomplished a great deal for the city.

If Michael Nutter is really serious about reforming this city, he is going to have to do the same thing here.

Koch Was A Militant Opponent of Affirmative Action

Koch was a militant opponent of affirmative action. Then state-representative Alan Hevesi invited Jewish legislators around the country to meet with Koch on the premise that we we going to have a private discussion of the Jews in New York and the relationship of the New York Jewish population to the Jewish population of the United States.

Instead, we privately shook hands with Koch for a minute or two and then were used a backdrop for a Koch monologue, in front of many television cameras and print reporters, of the evils of affirmative action. Of course, that was impolitic; it was also racially inflammatory. This was one of a number of similar incidents that Koch engaged in.

Koch publicly encouraged Al D'Amato in his 1980 Senate race against Elizabeth Holtzman, and also dramatically met with Ronald Reagan as Jimmy Carter was struggling to carry New York State.

As early as 1981, Koch feared he would have difficulty carrying a Democratic primary, and conducted an incredibly long public flirtation with the Republican Party to get their nomination. He failed in that and subsequent attempts to get the Republican Party organization to support him. But his campaign manager and chief strategist David Garth was a Republican who almost always worked for Republican candidates, and as time went on Republicans became a higher and higher percentage of the Koch base.

Koch managed to lose the Democratic primary for Mayor to Dinkins in 1989, and never ran for office again. Today he is a de facto Republican spokesman in New York,often campaigning for candidates with Al D'Amato, whom he backed against Chuck Schumer in 1998, when Schumer defeated him. Koch has backed Giulani, Bloomberg, Bush, and countless other Republican candidates.

None of this means that nothing he did as mayor was right. It does indicate, however, that "reform" is an extremely vague term. The Koch Administration was the polar opposite of the Lindsay Administration, and Koch blasted Lindsay, for whom I campaigned as a third party candidate in 1969, repeatedly for his liberalism and heavy spending for the poor. While undoubtedly there were some other "reform" Democrats besides Koch who were Republicans at heart, many were increasingly disillusioned with Koch--a passionate denouncer of Bella Abzug, Allard Lowenstein, Ruth Messinger, Chuck Schumer, and many other progressive Democrats as well as Elizabeth Holtzman--as time went on.

Koch like to call himself a "liberal with sanity." Overtime, this proved to be a rather insane formula for political success within the Democratic Party, as it was an attack against others who considered themselves to be liberals.

Dr. James Q. Wilson

Is a very influential criminologist. Despite the fact that he is the Ronald Reagan Professor of Public Policy at Pepperdine, I use his theories in several of the courses I teach at Penn State and Neumann College. As mentioned above his "broken windows" theory is widely acclaimed. It served as the guiding principle of Mayor Giuliani's New York renasaince.

I offer a friendly amendment...the first and only African-American elected mayor of New York City was, David Norman Dinkins. I think Bernard Dinkins played for the Golden State Warriors.

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has."
— Margaret Mead

Seth

The Wrong Dinkins

Thank you! That's been driving me nuts all day.

Dinkins dramatically increased the size of the NYPD

Which made Guiliani and Bratton's new policing strategies possible. Dinkins doesn't get the credit he deserves for reducing crime in New York and for being decent man who was an inclusive mayor.

Koch had many sides

and he did move increasingly to the right after he left the Mayor's office. His post-Mayoral career was a terrible disappointment to those of us who supported him when he was a liberal, anti-Vietnam War congressman...and at that time a friend of Al Lowenstein. (Caveat: I was under ten in those years and my memory of those years is pretty shaky.)

But as Mayor did some good things, one of which I mentioned in my previous posts. He tackled an overly politicized bureaucracy, hired really good people to run city departments, and made the city government much more effective. Perhaps I'm drawn to these things because we so badly need them in Philadelphia.

He accompanied this with a public stance that divided whites from blacks, in order to cement the loyalites of the white working class, a group without which he could not win and which was suspicous of him because he was an unmarried liberal from Manhattan.

That kind of politics we really don't need in Philadelphia.

Name That Dinkins!

Seth Williams is absolutely right on Mayor Dinkins: his first name is David. I have made the corection above.

Bernard Dinkins was a former New Yorker Seafarers Union and tenant leader who attempted unsuccessfully to get on the ballot against Congressman Ed Koch because he felt Koch was unresponsive to tenants. Bernard Dinkins was the nominee of the newly formed Tenants Party in that attempted race.

Byron Dinkins played for the Golden State Warriors.

In a future blog, there may be a test to see how many people can correctly identify each Dinkins.

And Bernard King played for the Knicks

and had a beautiful year or two before tearing up his knee.

Your search for "TITLE Amateur Democrat"

Your search for "TITLE Amateur Democrat" found 0 titles in the Free Library of Philadelphia.

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I support Michael Nutter for mayor in November.

Amateur Democrat Is Probably Available on Interlibrary Loan

The Amateur Democrat is probably available from the Free Library of Philadelphia on interlibrary loan. But I would agree that it's lack of copies in entire free library system is indicative of a serious lack of important non-fiction books offered by the library. It would be interesting to study the ratio of non-fiction books to novels in various libary systems, as well as the currency of the non-fiction books in various library systems. My guess would be is that Philadelphia seriously underrepresents non-fiction books.

The Amateur Democrat is, however, available from amazon.com as cheaply as $1.06 per copy for the 1962 paperback edition. This low price is an example of the fate of non-fiction books generally: they may have hard to find valuable information and analysis, but they depreciate rapidly over time in commerical value.

Worldcat

you can check materials availability at libararies near your library system through www.worldcat.org

The amateur Democrat; club politics in three cities.
by James Q Wilson
Language: English Type: Book
Publisher: [Chicago] University of Chicago Press [1962] | Other Editions ...
OCLC: 501184 | Cite this Item
Subjects: Democratic Party (U.S.) | Political clubs.

1. Bloomsburg University Bloomsburg, PA 17815 United States
26 miles
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2. Moravian College Bethlehem, PA 18018 United States
38 miles
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3. Lehigh University Bethlehem, PA 18015 United States
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4. Franklin & Marshall College Lancaster, PA 17604 United States
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5. Lafayette College Easton, PA 18042 United States
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6. Elizabethtown College Elizabethtown, PA 17022 United States
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7. State Library of Pennsylvania Harrisburg, PA 17126 United States
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8. East Stroudsburg University Library E Stroudsburg, PA 18301 United States
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9. Lycoming College Williamsport, PA 17701 United States
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10. Schmidt Library, York College of Pennsylvania York, PA 17405 United States
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