Welcome to the World of Governmental Ethics

What one's important relevant experiences are depends on the issues of the day. For the next several weeks, I suppose my most relevant legislative achievement is this: I invented the term "governmentally mandated benefits" and convinced the House to stick it in the Ethics Code. Without any active role on my part, the Senate accepted the decision of the House on this issue, and Governor Casey signed it into law.

This all took place in 1989. State Rep. Jeffrey Piccola had won a previous vote which sought to require disclosure of worker's compensation payments, and/or unemployment compensation payments, and/or welfare payments (I forget which). Piccola was deeply hostile to all these benefit programs, and it was clear that he and some other Republicans were substantially motivated by a desire to keep recipients of such benefits out of public office to the degree possible.

So, as one of a series of amendments designed to improve the operations of the State Ethics Code, which I had actively supported the establishment of in 1978, I proposed that there be no requirement to disclose "governmentally mandated benefits." I thought it would be easier to win a vote with this terminology than by listing the benefit programs individually. It was easier: the House voted overwhelmingly or unanimously for this language.

I remember mentioning some individual benefit programs--like worker's compensation, unemployment compensation, social secuirty disability-- in the ensuing debate as to what the language meant. There were many more important issues to be considered that day, and the House accepted my explanation, voted for the amendment, and then moved on to other amendments.

No one raised the question as to whether a pension was a "governmentally mandated benefit," and I did not address that issue in debate. Nor did I give any thought to that issue at the time I introduced the Ethics Code amendment. I have noted that courts have at least once said in dictum (the Paris Frazier case) that pensions are not a "governmentally mandated benefit," and it is the case law that counts.

But I can see that, from the point of view of the Brady campaign, arguing that pensions are a governmentally mandated benefit would require a much less drastic reversal of case law than would seeking to base a defense on Brady's late (but pre-challenge) filing with the State Ethics Commission. The Supreme Court ruled in the Anastasio case that while the Election Code requires the law to be liberally construed allowing candidates to run for office, the Ethics Act requires ethics provisions to be liberally construed keeping ethics law violators off the ballot if they fail to comply.

There is a great cultural chasm between the instinct of lawyers not to disclose information ("anything you say can be used against you," reads the Miranda warning in part) and the demand of the Ethics Act for full disclosure of income, financial interests, income-producing assets, and debts. A totally disproportionate percentage of all candidates thrown off the ballot for failure to disclose have been lawyers. The statement yesterday that the Brady campaign relied on legal advice not to disclose his pension is an example of the limited ability of much of the legal profession to come to grips with the ever-increasing demands for transparency in government.

The legendary lawyer Clark Clifford once got a long letter from a client asking what he should do about a potential legal problem. Clifford wrote him a two word letter--"Do nothing"--and then sent him a large bill, which the client quickly paid.

For free, as a member of the Pennsylvania Bar as well as a state legislator, I offer this legal advice to aspiring candidates: Disclose everything. If there is any ambiguity in the instructions, disclose. You have a constitutional right to remain silent on areas of potential criminal liability, but you do not have a constitutional right to run for office--only a constitutional right not to be discriminated against in your run for office on the basis of race or other categories covered by the 14th Amendment.

I empathize with the argument that all these disclosure requirements are meaningless technicalities. A lot of what goes under the name of ethics today is meaningless technicalities. Ethics today is all too much about paperwork, and all too little about actually improving the quality of government.

It has been said repeatedly that the three most important principles of real estate valuation are location, location, and location. Similarly the three principles of governmental ethics today are paperwork, paperwork, and paperwork. If that is not what the public desires, if that is not what is in the the most public interest, then then people should dare to think about whether paperwork is really the key to a more ethical government.

Thank you,

that legislative history--particularly the anti-welfare context for your choice of language--is fascinating.

Jennifer

Facinating Indeed

This is the most comprehensive explanation of the current issue that I have read thus far. I'm fasinated by your comment that states "the Ethics Act requires ethics provisions to be liberally construed keeping ethics law violators off the ballot if they fail to comply." Where do you see this challange going?

Going to the State Supreme Court

I see this challenge going to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court after being heard first in the Common Pleas Court and then the Commonwealth Court. There is an automatic right of appeal to the Commonwealth Court, but the Supreme Court has the right not to hear an appeal of a case where another appellate court has already made a decision.

The issue of whether it is reasonable to consider a pension payment a governmentally mandated benefit has not been litigated nearly as much as the issue of whether or not the State Ethics Code should be liberally construed, and therefore it is Brady's best shot.

I have no idea how this will come out. Supreme Court members know and respect Brady's power, but they have also shown a great ability to vote against the interests of the legislature, the media, district attorneys and numerous political candidates in the past.

So If There Is Less Precedent In This Area...

There was a lot of discussion on how to construe the question of "whether it is reasonable to consider a pension payment a governmentally mandated benefit" in light of the language you participated in draftingin this thread.

Given that you think this has been less litigated, and there is possibly room for interpretation, what is your opinion on reasonable readings of that language by the courts?

Jennifer

Reasoning By Analogies

Knox will undoubtedly argue that "governmentally mandated benefits" mean benefits widely available to the public, that have a goal of fighting poverty. He has the advantage of my remarks on the house floor, and court decisions that perhaps were influenced by my remarks on the House floor.

Brady will undoubtedly argue that pensions fight poverty too, and that there are hundreds of thousands of government pension recipients in Pennsylvania, and pensions are analagous to unemployment compensation and workers' compensation benefits, which are also employment based. My remarks on the House floor named some benefit programs, but did not itemize all of them and contained language saying something like "and other similar programs." (I don't have the transcript of my remarks in front of me as I write this.)

Daniel UA below says that the paragraph in the State Ethics Act below the one that includes "governmentally mandated benefits" refers to pensions, thus creating the implication that the "governmentally mandated benefits" language does not. (I don't have the Ethics Act in front of me as I write this either.) I assume Brady would argue that the language only refers to private pensions.

The law is a profession that has a lot of room for creativity, and this case is certainly an example of that. Professor Dworkin described the law and its interpretation as a "continuing conversation" between the different branches of government and the public, and that is certainly an apt metaphor for this case.

re: the Brady campaign following legal advice not to disclose

It seems inconsistent with their quick filing of an amendment. If they were advised not to disclose, that's what their argument would have been in the first place. Now they're trying to say that the "omission was not an oversight?" Please.

It sounds fishy to me. And doesn't exactly raise my level of respect for the guy. Besides, if he just admitted that it was an oversight, it would be more sympathetic than pretending that he intentionally decided not to disclose the pension. Why would he make such a decision when, obviously, the wording was somewhat ambiguous considering the specifics of his circumstances?

Of course, that's all independent of the absurdity of him getting booted for a technicality that has little relevance to his viability as a candidate.

Wow

Pretty interesting, Mark.

So,

1)we have the person who introduced the language saying it is things like welfare and UC
2)we have dicta saying pensions are not govt. mandated benefits
3)we have a SC case saying that they are UC benefits, welfare, "and the like," and not things coming out of an employer-employee relationship
4)we have a disclosure/sunshine statute, which, if given the interpretation of Brady, would have a special carve out specifically for government workers, which seems pretty goofy
5)we have pensions mentioned in the next paragraph, which would strongly indicate that the first paragraph would not include them, or else it would be redundant, which is a no-no in statutory interpretation.

Crazy.

disclosure requirements

Rep. Cohen,

I'm not sure what you mean when you say "that all these disclosure requirements are meaningless technicalities".

Do you feel that way about all disclosure requirements or just those on the nomination petitions? For instance, how about the requirement for PA legislative members to disclose all information on expenditures online? You were the loan vote against on the commission. Would that have been "meaningless paperwork" or would that have been about "improving the quality of government?"

Read more: http://willdo.philadelphiaweekly.com/archives/mark_b_cohen/

What disclosures would you support?

I Voted for the Package Including Electronic Access to Expenses

Zillions of social science studies can be summarized as follows: Different people do different things. That is what the disclosure of legislative expense reports will reveal. The question is whether or not the examination of these inevitable differences should substitute for public debate on major issues.

My view as to what the public debate should be about is that it should be about important issues. How do we improve public education? How do we reduce or end poverty? How do we achieve tax justice? How do we preserve and grow our cities?

The legislature's critics in the press corps--virtually none of whom who live in Philadelphia and very few of whom are registered Democrats or are at all sympathetic with the view that government should be an active problem-solver-- inherently do not believe the legislature should be working on important problems. They deeply resent any attempt to gather the information to solve problems on the intellectually dishonest ground that it takes money to gather information and that all expenditures of money are highly suspect.

Electronic access to legislator's expense records was part of the the rules reform package that unanimously passed the legislature with my support. You will now be able to enjoy such trivia as finding out which legislator spends the most on furniture rentals, cell phones, flags, parking, etc. Hopefully the readers of Young Philly Politics will also interested in knowing about how much money in the $27 billion dollar state goes to education, medical care, civil rights enforcement, worker's rights enforcement, senior citizens, etc.

I'm not sure I understand

I'm not sure I understand why examining these records might ever "substitute for public debate on major issues?"

Yes, all people do different things - but how far they should be allowed to go with the public tax dollar is not the prevue of the social science, instead I think it IS indeed a "major issue."

I want to know what my representatives are spending my tax dollars on - like personal books - and I assure you I can, at the same time, continue to participate in intellectual exchanges over the (other) major issues.

With respect, this is a bit of a false dichotomy you set up.

Where Does It End?

Ted, I agree that examining records should never be a "substitute for public debate on major issues" but that is exactly what is happening even on this enlightened site. If "full disclosure" is the rule of the day are we going to start demanding disclosure of the titles of purchased books or disclosure of the cell phone records and content of conversations? Where does this end? The allegations in your thread lead me to believe that substantial information has already been disclosed. It sounds as if you are asking for "full oversight" as well as "full disclosure".

I didn't say "examining

I didn't say "examining records should never be a substitute for public debate on major issues"... it was Rep. Cohen who above asked if we were going to allow that to happen. I'm sorry if my word choice was poor. I was expressing that it was wrong of Rep. Cohen, and a false dichotomy fallacy, to assume we couldn't do both at the same time. I can talk about taxpayer paid book bills and about handgun policy without one hurting the other.

No disrespect, but your example of jumping from asking for records of purchases made with taxpayer money (often called “accounting”) all the way to demanding the content of conversations is an amazing, and I must say silly, leap. This is called a slippery slope fallacy. (Apparently we are going to try to hit all the fallacies today on this thread - anyone care for a Red Herring, how about a Straw Man?)

The proposal I was talking about was asking for posting the reports online - a simple as PDF and post, nothing major, I think. We already do it for Campaign Finance reports and I think it’s great. I was asking for a response to an article that said Rep. Cohen hadn't supported the measure, because between that article and the post above (which negatively referred to the financial disclosure requirements), it was seeming to me that Rep. Cohen was mightily "ant-disclosure" and I was very curious if that was the case.

Simple Question

No disrespect taken but I simply asked "where does it end?". I believe that is a legitimate question. When I mentioned "cell phone conversations" I was giving an example of just how slippery that slope can be. Was it silly? Maybe but in the current climate silly isn't all that bad sometimes.

Where it ends

It ends with certain state representatives being very, very embarrassed and possibly having a difficult time getting reelected. Taxpayers in the Commonwealth - and anywhere for that matter - aren't that thrilled when their elected representatives are profligate spenders of public monies for their own personal benefit.

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