- Nutter Town Halls Back on Tonight
- Brian Hickey Seriously Injured
- Filmmaker sought to Document and Follow the Timeline of Political, Zoning and Environmental Crimes in Philly
- FDR, Obama, and the Path to Health Care Reform in 2009
- How We Vote
- It's Our City Interview with Mike Nutter
- Witnesses to Hunger
- Reardon's Actual Library Closing Criteria
- Books for everyone: Buy, buy, buy, buy, buy
- Giving Thanks
What Can Mayor Nutter Do About Education?
Although I was happy to read the Costing-Out Study produced for the PA State Board of Education, we all know that the legislature will not magically fix all of the District's fiscal problems now. And in Nutter's education plan, getting more state money is just one of many strategies to improve the District. Well, below are my top two recommendations. I hope we can use this as a jumping off point but of course, I welcome feedback. It is as "real world actionable" as my knowledge permitted. And let me know if anyone wants to know my sourcing. The one nice thing about Philadelphia is there doesn't seem to be a shortage of research on our schools and their problems.
Read on!
Background
The School District of Philadelphia, despite the influx of state funding and a rise in Adequate Yearly Progress scores, is still in a precarious position both financially and academically. In the fall of 2006, a surprise deficit of $73 million surfaced, which was eventually reduced to $23.8 million by the end of the fiscal year with emergency cutbacks and state funding (Woodall, July 2007; Masch, 2007, p.23). Yet, the estimated deficit for the 2006-2007 school year is $37 million and the projected deficit for 2007-2008 is $191.6 million without corrective changes in the budget (Masch, 2007, p.23). Academically, only 166 out of 291 schools met AYP standards in 2007 and on the PSSAs, just 38% of students scored advanced or proficient in reading and 41% in math (Masch, 2007, p.8). In spite of these dismal numbers, both of these testing figures represent significant gains from five years ago.
Although we do not want to impede this progress, it is necessary for the District to become more fiscally responsible and stable. Without secure funding for programs and departments, potentially any part of the District can suddenly have its funding cut in order to reign in overall spending. This uncertainty and surprise impedes District-wide functioning, the success and longevity of educational initiatives, and ultimately, the students’ ability to learn. Therefore, the reforms recommended below attempt to both minimize impact on the budget while improving the quality of education.
Recommendation 1: Appoint members to the School Reform Commission that will end the contracts of Educational Management Organizations (EMOs). As the Mayor has no direct power over the District, the designation and relationship he maintains with his two appointees to the SRC is the first and best way to influence decisions on education.
An overwhelming group of studies report that EMOs have increased student achievement at the same rates as District-managed schools despite their additional funding of $450 to $881 per pupil (Christman, Gold, & Herold, 2006, p.8):
Effects on Middle Grades’ Mathematics Achievement of Educational Management Organizations (EMOs) and New K-8 Schools (Mac Iver & Mac Iver 2006)
• Tracking 5th and 8th grade PSSA math scores for three student cohorts who graduated 8th grade between 2003-2005, achievement gains for students in EMO-managed schools were comparable or less than those for students in District-managed schools with comparably high poverty rates.
State Takeover, School Restructuring, Private Management, and Student Achievement in Philadelphia (Gill et. al, 2007)
• “In sum, with four years of data, we find little evidence in terms of academic outcomes that would support the additional resources for the private managers.” (p.41)
• Across 2002-2006, there were no statistically significant effects, positive or negative, in PSSA/Terranova reading or math scores in EMOs or the District-managed “Sweet Sixteen” and comparable gains when compared to “untreated” schools in the rest of the District (p.xiii, 34). Of individual EMOs, only Temple University and Victory showed significant and substantial negative effects, recorded in math and reading for the fourth year and in math across four years, respectively (p.55).
• District-managed Restructured schools were the only ones that had significantly positive effects, recorded in reading in the first year and in math in all three years of implementation as well as a year of substantial, although marginally statistically significant, maintenance of math gains after the Office of Restructured Schools was disbanded and the additional resources for the schools were terminated (p.xiii).
The Status of 2005-2006 Academic Performance in the School District of Philadelphia (Lyons et al., 2007, p.5-6)
• PSSA Math (school level): Across 2002-2006, EMOs increased 19.6 percentage points while District-managed schools gained 23 percentage points. The change from 2005-2006 was 1.8 percentage points for EMOs and 5.1 percentage points for District-managed.
• PSSA Reading (school level): Across 2002-2006, EMOs gained 11.9 percentage points but District-managed schools’ scores increased 14.5 percentage points. The change from 2005-2006 was an increase of 0.8 points for EMOs and 2.4 percentage points for District-managed.
Aggregating most of this information and including some of its own qualitative data gathered from principals, teachers, and parents, The Office of Accountability, Assessment, and Intervention (OAAI) in its report to the SRC recommended to not renew any EMOs’ contracts on June 30, 2007 or only renew those at schools which met AYP in 2005-2006 (Bonner et al., 2007, p.51). Instead, the SRC followed a proposal of Gregory Thornton, the Chief Academic Officer, and extended contracts for all EMOs for another year but reduced their extra funding to only $500 per student (Woodall, June 2007).
This outcome presents an opportunity six months into the Nutter Administration to terminate the EMOs, which would save the District $9.9 million per year with the latest contract stipulations (Staff Recommendations, 2007). Not just a budgetary saver, it would also be a symbolic step towards regaining control of the District from the State, something Mr. Nutter said he wanted to do during the primary campaign (Snyder, 2007). Taking responsibility for the District’s worst-performing schools and presiding over continuing progress would be a big public relations boost in the city as well as evidence to take before the State. To ensure academic progress occurs, the schools transitioning from EMOs should remain under special supervision in their own region, operated like the Office of Restructured Schools.
Recommendation 2: Negotiate the new contract with the Philadelphia Federation of Teachers to use site-based selection across all schools and in turn hold principals accountable. This is the Mayor’s second greatest tool to affect change in the District.
Since 2000, PFT contracts with the District have been increasingly moving towards full-site selection, where the interviewing and hiring of teachers is done by the principal of the school. The traditional process involves Human Resources approving candidates and those new teachers choosing assignments after all other District employees have filled vacancies based on a seniority system. Currently, schools are either designated as full-site selection or partial site selection. To become a full-site selection school, either two-thirds of the faculty must approve the initiative by ballot or, as negotiated in the 2004 contract, schools must be designated as “hard to fill” (Philadelphia Federation of Teachers, 2004, p.69). All remaining District schools are partial site selection, where all new hires are site-selected and every other vacancy is filled by site selection. For the 2007 hiring process, 74 schools have full site-selection, 59 of which were determined by faculty vote (Useem, 2007, p.12). While 70% of vacancies were filled by site selection in 2005-2006, this procedure needs to be brought the rest of the way to scale, which will be achieved very slowly if it continues school by school. The benefits of full site-selection are delineated below:
Experienced teachers will be distributed more evenly across schools.
• With traditional hiring, teachers with the most seniority fill positions in the schools with the highest tests scores (Farley, 2004). This often leads to the least experienced teachers staffing the highest poverty schools, those that need qualified teachers the most (Neild, Useem, Travers, & Lesnick 2003, p.18).
• “Teachers at the very lowest poverty elementary and middle schools have, on average, about twice the experience of those at the very highest poverty schools” (Useem, 2007, p.30) and student achievement tends to be lower with teachers that have three or fewer years of experience (Clotfelter, Ladd, & Vigdor, 2007).
• The effectiveness of the mentoring program for new teachers jointly administered by the District and the PFT will improve with more experienced colleagues providing insight and support (PFT, 2004, p.18).
Schools will have greater say and success in meeting their needs.
• Per the PFT contract, a Staff Selection Committee is convened consisting of the principal, assistant principal (when applicable), two teachers, and a parent from the Home and School Association to jointly establish criteria, interview, and recommend a candidate to the principal to hire (Philadelphia Federation of Teachers, 2004, p.68). This involvement of the school community allows more oversight over hiring than the traditional process in HR.
• Teachers who go through site-selection have better knowledge of the position and school than during traditional hiring, where they blindly choose a location after being approved. HR believed this led to better matches and the large decrease in “no shows” among new teachers at the start of the 2006 school year (Useem, 2007, p.17).
One streamlined hiring system would be more efficient and less confusing for principals and applicants.
• Useem et al. (2007, p.19) call the hiring process, despite its recent changes, still “mind-numbingly complex and slow.”
• A series of consecutive time periods when the position is open to teachers with different levels of seniority means that some positions are not filled until the last week of August when the pressure is high (Useem et al., 2007, p.20). Consolidating application windows due to full site selection will ensure that the best applicants will not have already been hired at other districts, administrators will have time to contemplate hiring decisions, and hired teachers will have adequate time to prepare for the start of the school year.
• Principals and candidates alike have been confused by which jobs were to be filled by site selection versus traditional hiring, which even led to principals incorrectly offering jobs that had to be withdrawn (Useem et al., 2007, p.17, 19).
With this greater autonomy in hiring, the principal must be prepared to live up to the process and be held accountable. A clear evaluation system should be created for principals’ performance in recruitment and retention, something PFT has been advocating, and could possibly be used as a bargaining chip to achieve full site selection, although should be implemented anyway (Useem et al., 2007, p.24). Assessment would be overseen by Regional Superintendents and in the schools with the highest turnover, affect the principals’ budget by increasing their discretionary expenditures by a figure of about $1500.
As for assessment criteria, principals would be required to attend District job fairs and actively seek out teachers (Useem et al., 2007, p.17) and retain certain percentages after one year, two years, etc. For teachers hired in 2004-2005, 81.1% returned to the District for a second year while 67.9% returned to the same school (Useem et al., 2007, p.22). In order for the lowest performing schools to have more experienced teachers, there should be more emphasis on the school return-rate than the District return-rate. Goals will be set according to the starting retention rate at each school and increase every year. Qualitative data should also be collected: surveys should be distributed to teacher applicants for information on the principal’s hiring process as well as year-end assessments by teachers, including those leaving. As the principal is the leader of the school, he sets the expectations for the faculty from day one and creates an environment for success.
In Putting Children First: The Nutter Plan for Public Education, one of the initiatives is to “improve programs to retain good teachers” (Nutter, 2007, p. 8). However in order to retain good teachers, the District must first attract them and these simple reforms—streamlining the hiring process, allowing candidates to apply for all vacancies, and involving and maintaining the principal in the teachers’ careers from the beginning—will contribute to a better pool of applicants.
Conclusion
Although the Mayor has no direct power over the School District of Philadelphia, the two reforms detailed above are within his authority and as closely affect education policy as possible. This was the first criteria in determining action. Due to the unstable finances of the District, it was also determined that reforms that would have a substantial effect across the schools for low or no cost would also be prioritized. While neither are flashy, outside-the-box ideas, they demonstrate that the Mayor is committed to the District’s overall health, both financially and academically.











Clarification
I'm guessing one or the other of these is a typo -- is it the first or the second?
--Tim (aka Short Schrift)
Sorry, I should have been
Sorry, I should have been more clear. All newly created positions are filled via site selection. Every existing position is alternately filled by site selection or traditional hiring.
Thoughtful and specific...
Two of my favorite post attributes.
One comment:
You say:
Perhaps you addressed this and I did not understand, but what does this $9.9 million account for? Is it the incremental amount paid to EMOs for their services over and above what it would cost the District to perform the same activities (i.e. the $881 to $450)?
Yes, it is the extra money
Yes, it is the extra money that the District pays per student to the EMOs. This is $500 a head for all providers as of the June 2007 contract renegotiation, a reduction for all providers except Penn and Temple, which had operated off $450. My $9.9 million was calculated using the 19,948 students at EMO-managed schools as of June 13, 2007 so it does not take into account enrollment changes for this school year.
Ok, and does $500 per
Ok, and does $500 per student translate 100% into profit for the EMO? I assume we've already accounted for the District's significant economies of scale?
EMOs are not required
to acount for their "management fees." It's one of the concerns that advocates have always had, especially when EMOs like Edison took plenty of money to commission their own study and contribute to legislative campaigns.
Under the auspices of trying
Under the auspices of trying to evaluate CPotter's assertion, which is essentially that there's nearly $10 million to be saved each year just by cutting ties to EMOs, this would be essential to know. I'm not saying that I'm right and CPotter's wrong, but it just feels like a bit of an oversimplification to say that cutting ties with EMOs would necessarily result in such savings.
Cutting the EMOs would "save" $10M in management fees
There's no disputing that the elimination of EMOs would mean the elimination of the $10 million in management fees. CPotter is correct. The management fees are over and above what is already paid to the EMOs in per pupil spending. Thanks to the work of parents and advocates, the per pupil amount is also based on actual enrollment (unlike CEP and Edison which negotiated a contract that paid them for MORE students than they actually enrolled).
There is a question of whether returning the EMO schools, two thirds of which are failing, to District control would "save" money, and on that issue I highly doubt. Currently we are advocating to increase dollars to schools especially struggling schools.
However, the difference is that under District control, the District could actually account for the extra money (supposedly) UNLIKE the management fees currently being paid to the EMOs. The issue around the EMOs is not so much whether we can "save" money but whether we can ensure that every dollar we spend gets allocated to the right reform efforts we need for those schools.
Does that help clarify?
Almost there...
CPotter derives his "savings" of $10 million by multiplying $500 per pupil in additional funding for EMOs over 19,948 students. This is misleading, as you say the prospect of actual savings is doubtful. As the Rand study notes:
Assuming the Rand report is correct, our theoretical savings resulting from cutting ties with EMOs should be the difference between the District's administrative costs and those of the EMOs.
That out of the way, what you are saying is that the issue is more about allocation of funds and/or District/local control over how the additional funds are being used. I can understand that.
Can you give some examples of areas where the EMOs have not used funds for the right reform efforts? If we're all working towards (theoretically) shared goals, are we talking about differences in allocation philosophy or something more sinister?
Putting aside all performance-related stuff, would it be fair to say that in terms of financial oversight and accountability, that the SRC/District dropped the ball back in 2002? Did they drop the ball again when they renegotiated back in June?
The thrust of my argument was
that if the EMO-managed schools are not performing better than District-managed schools, it essentially doesn't matter how the money is being spent because we are not seeing bigger returns. Now obviously test scores do not tell us everything about a school but it is one of the most important measures, one that should be ideally supplemented with attendance, yearly promotion rates, and graduation rates where applicable. But yes, it could be framed more as a question of how this money should be reprogrammed.
In terms of reforms, there has been a question of how well this public-private experiment in the District has worked. There has been more of a spirit of cooperation between the various EMOs and the District rather than one of competition. I will keep looking for the specific article where I read it but when Paul Vallas implemented his new core curriculum across the District, all EMO-managed schools either adopted or partially adopted the curriculum. This is one of the primary things that I would have expected the EMOs to bring to the table. The District also implemented a benchmark system (although modeled off Edison's existing one) and many other EMOs subsequently adopted the District one. This is a good example of how the District learned something from one of the providers but I think that we have likely exhausted those types of learning experiences by now.
Aside from that, the District Restructured schools initially received extra money and a treatment by ORS to aid improvement of the schools just as the EMOs did. The gains were positive and for at least one year after the funding was cut, maintained those gains (although remember, this was only in math so by no means perfect). My feeling is if the District can provide these types of services, then it should. When the Restructured schools were operated, they received $550 extra per student, which was on the lower side of what the EMOs received. Per the funding formula you mentioned, it appears that more of the money should have been going to #2 and maybe this was the difference in the Restructured schools.
I think that there is still a lack of confidence in the ability of the District to effectively manage its schools and so if the scores are no different, I think the District should take that money going to the EMOs and move all or some it someplace else.
EMOs
The District's internal study critiqued the EMOs on poor services to English Language Learners and special ed students. At some of the EMO schools, there have been accusations that the EMOS have dismantled bilingual ed programs that have been there for almost a decade. For Edison Schools, this has been a frequent complaint from other districts.
In general though, Cpotter explains the basics. There's little performance data showing EMOs work and at this point there's almost no gubernatorial or SRC support for them. So a debate about keeping EMOs simply because they are EMOs isn't all that relevant.
Now the Office of Restructured Schools is a more interesting question because they did have a track record, and even after the Office was dismantled in 2004 or 2005, the ORS schools continued to show academic gains on test scores. The problem is that no one bothered to really study and analyze and make public the reasons for those gains. I think that's primarily why you don't see confidence in the District. If you don't document the reasons District schools worked and how to improve then how are people to know.
Just as an aside, clearly the District outmanaged and outscored Edison and other EMOs. Only a third of the EMOs showed improvement.
Great post, but I'm curious
Where do you rank lowering student/teacher ratio in your list of priorities?
Obviously, significant change in that ratio is dependent on financial issues. On the other hand, other improvements will all be severly undermined if that ratio isn't lowered.
And one more thing, CPotter
Can you provide a bit of info re: your perspective. Do you work for the union? Are you a union rep?
Nope, no affiliation with the union.
Ben Waxman actually helped me secure a copy of the PFT contract, as it was not available online like I thought it would be (if anyone is interested, you can pick one up directly from the PFT). My name is Carolyn and I am just a student. And now it should become fairly obvious, unfortunately, that this was a paper that I wrote for one of my classes. I know it's a bummer that I didn't do this out of my own inherent interest but as I'm sure you all know, there is never enough time to look into this kind of stuff.
Is this the Mayor's job?
One of the questions to consider is what is appropriately the Mayor's job and what is appropriately a District/SRC/state job. One of the challenges that Mayor Elect Nutter has raised, and something to consider, is that if the state has taken this thing over, and the Governor is engaged with appointments, then let them do it right. Obviously this is a fine line to draw, because the resentment around the state takeover and the conflicts between Vallas and Street led to a hands off situation where the City actually became negligent and a part of the District's financial and political problems.
But I do question whether getting rid of EMOs (arguably somewhat on the ropes with lack of gubernatorial/SRC support and a 1-year contract)and the PFT negotiations are the Mayor's top priorities.
I might argue that the Mayor has a responsibility to:
1. Set the moral agenda and put public ed on the plate of every business, civic and politicalagenda: fair funding, lower class size, reduce privatization, emphasis on classroom reform, healthy food programs, art and music for all. I love the fact that Nutter has cited his 45/18 percentages everywhere, at anti-violence rallies and civic functions alike. He knows that Philadelphia is defined and crippled by a 45% drop-out rate, and an 18% graduation rate with bachelors degree. He needs to expand and refine that central point and hammer it wherever and whenever. He should be visiting schools and using them as a backdrop for press conferences.
2. Improve the connection between city services and district services: From the Beacons to wrap around services to DHS and the courts to real estate and transportation, the City and School District desperately need to coordinate to improve services and strengthen programs. The Mayor should also help with new school construction by trying to assist with abandoned real estate properties.
3. Ensure that children get to school: I personally think the Mayor should ensure that every child gets free transportation to and from school. NYC does it; Philly should too. Ironically state law guarantees bussing for all charters and parochial schools, and even provides bussing to private schools. But not for public school students. Sen. Fumo and Gov. Rendell's plan to provide weekly SEPTA passes to 7-12th graders was a historic start, but it should be extended to 5th grade, and students younger than 5th grade should be guaranteed bus service to and from school. My girlfriend calculates that she, as a single mom, pays $747 per year for her ONE fifth grade child to ride SEPTA daily to school. With a 50% drop-out rate the last thing we need is for transportation to impede anyone's right to get to school.
4. FUND OUR SCHOOLS!: It'll be a hard sell to the state for it to pony up when Philly's local contribution to the schools is well below the Commonwealth average. The Mayor needs to find more cash to schools. He needs to wring every dollar out of the Parking Authority (yes i know it's a state agency) but he should set a precendent by threatening to block any city permits they need or licenses or whatever, and hold stuff up for them. Most of all he's going to need to find extra dollars within the City budget or raise it through other revenues.
5. Be a regional champion for fair funding: In the wake of the costing out study, Nutter needs to position himself as a regional leader who appeals to both Republicans and Democrats on economic development/financial management/ethics agenda and places fair school funding at the center of that leadership.
This is making the problem both more and less complicated
... than it actually is.
Before I begin, full disclosure: my family is rotten w/Philly public school teachers. And, this being the case, my wife + I feel it would be highly hypocritical if we were to send our kids to private school, even if we could afford their cost.
All that being the case, no analysis of public education can take place without the following two facts:
1) The very design of public school funding in the US guarantees vastly unequal funding. Since most funds for public schools derive from local property taxes, it is all but certain that rich areas will have markedly higher funding per student than poor ones. This has been explicitly noted elsewhere. The easy solution to this- and, yes, it is an easy solution- would involve taking all state property taxes, putting them into a single 'pot,' and then distributing them statewide, adjusting for local cost of living. This will prevent, for instance, Radnor from being able to spend $9000 more per student than Philadelphia.
2) Whether or not a kid does well in school is strongly determined by how ready to learn they are before they even set foot in a school. This means parents who read more than watch TV; the significance of TV in lowering literacy levels is well-established. Or, to put it more generally, parents who reward learning are likely to have kids who are more ready to learn. If kids aren't ready to learn, no amount of money can help them. My Aunt Sharon retired from teaching science at Edison High (aka 'Badlands High') and taught one year after that at Cheltenham School District. She didn't think that the richer kids were any better; if their parents didn't care- and, clearly, these kids' parents didn't- then the 'better school' didn't make a difference.
As you can see, facts #1 + #2 can easily contradict each other. That's why you can have kids from awful neighborhoods, with parents who care deeply about school, and these kids end up high achievers; it's also how you can have rich kids from the suburbs who shoot up their schools w/automatic weapons.
This makes the school problem more complicated in that it demonstrates that funding isn't the be-all and end-all. But it makes it less complicated in that it demonstrates that you also can't accept vast differences in funding, and that addressing this has to be done on a Commonwealth-wide level. Unfortunately, normalizing funding statewide means that, to increase funding for urban and rural school districts, you have to reduce funding for wealthy suburban districts. And, since suburbanites are probably the most active voters in the state, this complicates things more.
So, you see, it's more and less complicated. Have fun, Mr. Mayor.
-Z
Not About Equalizing Funding Really
You don't need to totally equalize funding. You need to provide enough money to fund a quality education for every student. If the State puts more money in, the large, large majority of districts would get more money. But, I don't think the 'good' districts will get less, either.
Unfortunately...
The only way to increase spending per student in poor districts is to either reduce spending per student in rich districts, or raise taxes all around. Since, in either case, you hit the most active voters in the Commonwealth- wealthy suburbanites- it makes this a tough nut to crack no matter how you go about it.
-Z
An alternative
The state could reduce spending elsewhere in the budget, allocating more money to schools without raising the overall tax burden. This is what the city did w/ Councilman Goode's bill earlier this year.
--Tim (aka Short Schrift)
No matter what, taxes will
No matter what, taxes will have to go up to fund education. Check out the costing out study, virtually every part of the state- including the large majority of suburban districts, need more funds.
We need to forget the talk of equality among districts, and shift to talk of quality.
Quality vs. equality
I would suggest, Dan, that it is difficult to separate quality from equality in public education. Or are you saying that it's no matter that a kid from 8th and Indiana doesn't have an equal quality educational opportunity to one growing up in Lower Merion?
I posit that it is impossible to separate quality from equality in this subject. Or would you say that the goal should be to tell the rural and urban districts that they have to give comparable education to Radnor, but for ~ $9000/student less? That is, on its face, unjust; or, if you prefer, downright Republican.
-Z
Huh?
Huh?
I think the goal should be to spend as much as it takes to give each child in the State a good education. Given the associated problems that come from poverty, etc., I think everyone would generally agree that it will almost always take more to educate the median kid from an urban school district.
My point is that what is the point talking about equality of funding? The goal is not to tell Radnor that they have to cap what they spend; the goal is to spend as much as it takes to provide a decent education for every single child.
The reality is that given how much more poor districts have to spend on things that rich districts don't, asking for equality of funding still would not be enough to get quality everywhere.
So, how is it "Republican" to say that our goal should be to ensure that we fully fund a quality education for all kids?
Sorry...
I misinterpreted your use of 'quality' vs. 'equality' in the original post. My bad.
-Z
Taxes vs. getting things done
One of the difficult things about the costing out study, and one of the things that Nutter will have to sell across the state is avoiding the fear-mongering around the idea that there has to be a sudden boost in taxes. Dan's right that we will have to talk about raising taxes at some point, and it's not only for education. But the big fear for legislators is that they look at $4.8 billion and blanch at the thought of raising that much in taxes.
The boost in the ed budget will have to come from some sort of combination of local, state tax revenues and as Tim says, possibly some reordering of budgets, as well as a possible new revenue stream.
I'm no expert in this field, but I'd be happy to do a YPP interview with Mike Churchill or Ron Cowell who might have more definitive possibilities.
One additional strategic thought is that advocates are somewhat struggling with the idea of creating a commission to "study the study" and put forward a plan in the next year or so on how best to achieve or move forward on improved spending. The idea is that legislators need a plan forward and we still need time to build bipartisan legislative approval. The problem and the critique from others is that it will take too long and Rendell has a decent chance now in the June 08 budget to get something through, but the June 09 budget will be a lame duck budget where he simply won't have the juice to get any dramatic increase in the ed budget passed.
I feel like one of the main
I feel like one of the main tasks we have as progressives to lay out in the next year is strategies for how to actually deal with funding disparities in education on a state level. State races are coming up and besides demanding more transparency in government in Harrisburg across the board, equality in education funding is another area where progressives can actually tip the ballance in demanding more leadership from our own state reps.
Interestingly this is an area where voters in the socially conservative "T" are actually in much the same boat Philadelphians are - which may allow us to build strange alliances strategic to this issue that would look dramatically different from say how the votes break on say gun issues. Oddly our biggest obstacle to more equitable education funding are our socially more liberal suburban neighbors who are very happy to benefit from the geographic disparities of wealth to "buy" into a better school district.
Obstacles to More Equitable Education Funding
I beg to differ somewhat about the key obstacles to increasing education funding at the state level. I believe that the biggest obstacles to more equitable education funding are:
In terms of the City and suburb issue, based on changing socio-economic and political landscapes there are an increasing number of suburban school districts that should be willing to work with Philadelphia and other urban school districts on changing the school funding structure. The Lower Merions of the world may not want to change the funding structure, but the Cheltenhams of the world are not happy with the current funding structures for other reasons that have in part the same end goal, that of having more state and federal funding. This effort should be combined with some of the rural districts that are facing their own funding issues might result in a coalition to push for change. The goal should be to develop a coalition for more PA funding and more equitable funding for education and to make it work across the normal city/suburban, metropolitan/rural, T/non-T, Democratic/Republican, and Philadelphia region/Pittsburgh region/rest of PA borders and structures that tend to determine, drive and shape political and legislative coalitions in Pennsylvania.
You have an excellent point
You have an excellent point about not portraying this as a zero-sum game to anyone but "T" area voters need to know their kids suffer as well. Maybe we have work on those "T" rural voters so they work on their Republican representatives but its something I suspect we might have some progress on in unexpected quarters. Its at least something to consider.